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`PH(415)434-98001FX(415)434-0513|www.rez|aw.com
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`" NOSUMMONS ISSUED
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`DAVID A. LOWE (SBN: 178.811)
`Email: dal@rezlaw.com
`JOHN T. MULLAN (SBN: 221149)
`Email: jtm@rezlaw.com
`MICHELLE G. LEE (SBN: 266167)
`Email: mgl@rezlaw.com
`MEGHAN F. LOISEL (SBN: 291400)
`Email: mfl@rezlaw.com
`WILLIAM F. McELHINNY (SBN 296259)
`Email: wpm@rezlaw.com
`RUDY, EXELROD, ZIEFF & LOWE, LLP
`351 California Street, Suite 700
`San Francisco, CA 94104
`Telephone: (415) 434-9800
`Facsimile: (415) 434-0513
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`ILED
`erior Coun of'CaIitornia
`Sagunty of San Franmsco
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`0131 22mm»
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`
`
`GEORGE A. WARNER (SBN: 320241)
`Email: gwarner@legalaidatwork.org
`KIMBERLY OUILLETTE (SBN: 326562)
`Email: kouillette@legalaidatwork.org
`LEGAL AID AT WORK
`
`180 Montgomery Street, Suite 600
`San Francisco, CA 94104
`Telephone: (415) 864-8848
`Facsimile: (415) 593-0096
`
`Attorneys for Plaintiffs
`Benjamin Valdez, Hector Castellanos,
`Worksafe, and Chinese Progressive Association
`
`SUPERIOR COURT OF CALIFORNIA
`
`IN AND FOR THE COUNTY OF SAN FRANCISCO
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`Case No.
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`EGG-20°587266
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`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
`
`DEMAND FOR JURY TRIAL
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`BENJAMIN VALDEZ, HECTOR
`CASTELLANOS, WORKSAFE, AND
`CHINESE PROGRESSIVE ASSOCIATION,
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`Plaintiffs,
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`vs.
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`UBER TECHNOLOGIES, INC., a Delaware
`corporation; UBER USA, LLC, a Delaware
`limited liability company; RASIER, LLC, a
`Delaware limited liability company; and
`RASIER—CA, LLC, a Delaware limited
`liability company,
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`Defendants.
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`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CASE NO.
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`I
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`Plaintiffs Benjamin Valdez, Hector Castellanos, Worksafe, and Chinese Progressive
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`Association (collectively, “Plaintiffs”) bring this action against Defendants Uber Technologies,
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`Inc.; Uber USA, LLC; Rasier, LLC; and Rasier-CA, LLC (collectively, “Uber” or “Defendants”)
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`and allege as follows based upon personal experience and the investigation of counsel:
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`I.
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`INTRODUCTION
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`1.
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`This is an individual and class action for injunctive relief brought by two
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`California non-profit organizations dedicated to protecting workplace rights — Worksafe and
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`Chinese Progressive Association — and Benjamin Valdez and Hector Castellanos, Uber ride-share
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`drivers, on behalf of themselves and a class of all similarly situated California Uber drivers, each
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`of whom Uber has unlawfully pressured to support its Yes on Prop 22 campaign — an effort
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`funded by Uber,Lyft, Instacart, and DoorDash with the goal of stripping gig economy workers
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`like Valdez and Castellanos of their rights as employees under the California Labor Code and
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`Industrial Commission Wage Orders.
`2.
`I Since at least 1915, California has prohibited employers from pressuring,
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`coercing, or otherwise interfering with their employees’ right to engage in, or refrain from
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`engaging in, political activities, including the employees’ rights as Californians to vote for or
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`against political candidates and ballot initiative measures. As presently codified, Labor Code
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`§ 1101 expressly forbids employers from exploiting their economic power by “controlling or
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`directing” the political activities of their employees, and Labor Code § 1102 forbids employers
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`from using the threat of discharge or loss of employment to coerce, or attempt to coerce or
`influence any employee’s free choice regarding whether to engage or refrain from engaging in
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`“any partiCular course or line of political action or political activity.”
`
`Despite California’s longstanding prohibitions against employer interference with
`3. .
`the political rights and freedoms oftheir employees, Uber has taken advantage of its raw
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`economic power and its exclusive control over communications through its driver—scheduling app
`by wrongfully pressuring its drivers to actively support Proposition 22. Uber has not only
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`directed its drivers to vote for Proposition 22, but has also asked them to support the Yes on
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`Prop 22 campaign by submitting Video messages and statements that conform to Uber’s political
`
`1
`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CASE NO.
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`position and by pressuring the drivers to submit statements of support for Proposition 22 and to
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`respond to surveys regarding their voting preferences by stating they support Prop 22. Uber’s
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`solicitations have the purpose and effect of causing drivers to fear retaliation by Uber if they do
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`not support Uber’s political preference and may induce many drivers to falsely state that they
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`support being deprived of the rights that California law guarantees to statutory “employees.”
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`Despite the intentionally skewed survey results obtained by Uber through the wrongful conduct
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`alleged herein, Uber’s ongoing statewide campaign makes the misleading claim that drivers
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`support Proposition 22.
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`4.
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`Although Uber has long misclassified its drivers as independent contractors rather
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`than employees, recent court decisions have made clear that those drivers (the plaintiff class
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`members in this lawsuit) are — and have always been — employees under California law. That-
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`was true before the enactment of Assembly Bill 5 (“AB 5”) in 2019 and even before the
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`California Supreme Court’s unanimous decision in Dynamex Operations West, Inc. v. Superior
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`Court (2018) 4 Cal.5th 903, which AB 5 codified; and it is certainly true now, as most recently
`
`confirmed by Judge Ethan Schulman in People v. Uber Technologies, San Francisco Superior
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`Court Case No. CGC—20—5 84402 (appeal pending No. Al60706). Nonetheless, in a coldly
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`calculated self-interested effort to avoid the costs of complying with state law—including but not
`
`limited to complying with obligations to pay minimum wage and overtime wages, to provide
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`meal and rest periods, to reimburse work expenses, and to pay unemployment insurance,
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`workers’ compensation, and other taxes that California law requires from employers—Uber,
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`joined by such other prominent gig economy employers as Lyft, Instacart, and DoorDash, have
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`poured close to two hundred million dollars into their campaign to enact Proposition 22, a ballot
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`initiative that would overrule AB 5, Dynamex, and the underlying protections for plaintiffs and
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`class members under the California Labor Code and IWC Wage Orders.
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`5.
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`This case challenges Uber’s wrongful efforts to dictate to its drivers — a captive
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`audience whose members are economically dependent on Uber for their jobs, their pay, and for
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`the timely, favorable, and plentiful ride—sharing assignments that Uber can provide — how they
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`should vote in the upcoming election and what they should do to support Uber’s Yes on Prop 22
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`2
`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CASE NO.
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`PH(415)434-9800|FX(415)434-0513|www.rez|aw.com
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`campaign. Through public comments and extensive, repeated messaging that is triggered every
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`time a driver logs on to Uber’s mandatory driver app, Uber has threatened plaintiffs and class
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`members that if they do not support Uber’s political efforts regarding Proposition 22, those
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`drivers will lose their jobs or suffer other adverse work-related consequences. Uber’s threats do
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`not rest upon accurate, factual information. Rather, the messaging Uber is using to coerce those
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`drivers’ votes and to obtain those drivers’ material support for the Yes on Prop 22'campaign (in ,
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`the form of positive survey responses and written and videotaped statements in support of the
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`Yes on Prop 22 campaign) rests on a series of knowingly false statements and misrepresentations
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`and implicit threats of retaliation against non-supporters, all of which are designed to increase the
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`wrongful pressure on those drivers to bend to Uber’s corporate will.
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`6.
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`First, Uber makes a series of factually unfounded assertions that its California
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`drivers will lose their jobs unless Proposition 22 passes. At times, Uber threatens that unless
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`Proposition 22 passes, Uber will cease all California operations, even though Uber knows that it
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`could continue to operate in California with drivers who are properly classified as employees. At
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`other times, Uber inconsistently threatens that unless Proposition 22 passes, Uber will cut its
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`driver workforce in California by 70 percent, or fire everyone and rehire some. As a result,
`drivers reasonably believe that if they want to be among the 30 percent of drivers who are either
`retained or rehired as employees, they must have affirmatively supported Uber’s Yes on Prop 22 A
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`campaign by preparing videotaped and written messages of support and “correctly” answering
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`Uber’s survey questions. These threats are doubly unlawful. First, these threats mislead
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`employees by stating that an across-the-board layoff and minimal rehire policy would be the
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`inevitable, immutable consequence of its drivers’ failure to conform to Uber’s political mandate.
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`These threats send a clear message that the only drivers who will have a chance ofregaining
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`employment if Proposition 22 passes are those who have curried favor with Uber by actively
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`supporting its campaign.
`
`7.
`
`-
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`Second, Uber’s captive-audience communications to its drivers falsely state what
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`the consequences would be to its drivers if Proposition 22 passes. Uber warns its drivers that, to
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`the extent they might still have jobs after Proposition 22 passes (i.e., if they are re-hired after
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`3
`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CASE NO.
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`PH(415)434-9800IFX(415)434-0513]www.rez|aw.com
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`being laid off), they will lose scheduling flexibility, their earnings will be limited, they will be
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`barred from using other ride-sharing apps, and they will be forced to accept rides with poorly
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`rated riders. Again, although Uber presents these scenarios as an immutable consequence of
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`Proposition 22’s enactment, there is no legal reason why Uber could not operate with a
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`workforce of employees protected by the California Labor Code and Wage Orders like any other -
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`employer — such as taxi companies.
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`8.
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`Third, Uber falsely states what the'supposed benefits to its drivers would be if
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`Proposition 22 passes and Uber is permitted to classify drivers as independent contractors. For
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`example, Uber asserts that the drivers would be entitled to a guaranteed minimum income of
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`120% of the California minimum wage, but fails to disclose that this supposed guarantee only
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`applies to hours in which they are engaged by an Uber rider and not to other time under Uberfs
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`control which, under well-established California law, constitutes “work” time for which those
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`employees are entitled to be compensated.
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`9.
`
`It is a bedrock principle of our democracy that all persons should be free to engage
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`in, or refrain from, political activity without coercion. This principle has been codified in
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`California law for more than a century, and it reflects the Legislature’s recognition in Sections
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`1101 and 1102 of the Labor Code that employers have the inherent power to wield enormous
`coercive control over their employees, creating the risk that absent protective legislation,
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`unscrupulous employers might “misuse their economic power to interfere with the political
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`activities of their employees.” (Gay Law Students Assn. v. Pacific Tel. & Tel. C0. (1979) 24 Cal.
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`3d 463, 487.) To protect workers from employers seeking to exploit that power for political
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`advantage, the Legislature enacted those statutes using the broadest possible language to describe
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`the range of political activities to which its prohibitions apply. “These statutes cannot be
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`narrowly confined to partisan activity.” (Id. at 487.) “The term ‘political activity’” is broad
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`enough to include “the espousal of .
`
`.
`
`. a cause,” and recognizes “the political character of
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`activities such as .
`
`.
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`. the association with others for the advancement of beliefs and ideas.”
`
`(Ibicl)
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`///
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`I
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`4
`CLAss ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CASE NO.
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`PH(415)434-9800|FX(415)434-0513|www.rez|aw.com
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`10.
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`Plaintiffs bring this action individually, and on behalf of all others similarly
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`situated, to obtain declaratory and injunctive relief to stop Uber’s unlawful and harmful practices,
`which subvert its employees’ political freedom and the democratic process. Plaintiffs’ claims are
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`brought under California Labor Code sections 1101 and 1102, and the Unfair Competition law.
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`Plaintiffs have also submitted a PAGA notice to the LWDA and are in the process of exhausting
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`the administrative process as a first step toward recovering the civil penalties made available to
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`all aggrieved employees and the California Labor and Workforce Development Agency
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`(“LWDA”) under PAGA, Labor Code § 2689 et seq. If the LWDA declines to pursue those
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`penalties itself, Plaintiffs will amend this complaint to add a PAGA claim.
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`II.
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`JURISDICTION AND VENUE
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`11.
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`This Court has jurisdiction over the claims raised in this Complaint and is the
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`proper venue pursuant to Code of Civil Procedure sections 395.5, 410.10 for the following
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`reasons:
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`(i) Defendants maintain their headquarters in San Francisco County; (ii) Defendants
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`regularly operate, advertise, market, and/or employ drivers in San Francisco County and
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`throughout the State of California; and (iii) a substantial portion of the underlying transactions
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`and events complained of herein occurred, and affected persons and entities reside, in San
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`Francisco County.
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`12.
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`Plaintiff Valdez properly exercised his right to opt out of Uber’s forced arbitration
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`requirement, although because he seeks public injunctive relief to enjoin Uber’s ongoing
`Violations of Labor Code sections 1011 and 1012. Valdez and Castellanos would be permitted to
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`pursue the relief sought herein even if he were subject to an otherwise binding Uber arbitration
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`agreement because they are primarily seeking a public injunction and because Uber’s arbitration
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`agreements prohibit drivers from seeking relief that benefits anyone other than themselves.
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`III.
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`THE PARTIES
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`13.
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`Plaintiff Benjamin Valdez is a citizen of California, residing in Los Angeles,
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`California. Valdez has worked for Uber as a driver from approximately August 2015 to the
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`present. Plaintiff Valdez validly opted out of Defendants’ arbitration policy.
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`M
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`V
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`5
`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CASE NO.
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`14.
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`Plaintiff Hector Castellanos is a citizen of California, residing in Antioch,
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`California. castellanos has worked for Uber as a driver for approximately the last three years.
`15.
`Plaintiff Worksafe is a California—based organization dedicated to promoting and
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`protecting the basic right of all people to a safe and healthy workplace. For nearly 40 years,
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`Worksafe has led campaigns that have made California a national leader in occupational safety
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`and health (“OSH”). Worksafe provides leadership and coordination among labor, legal, and
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`public health advocates to pass protective OSH laws. Their initiatives prioritize issues of concern
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`to low—income, immigrant, and contingent workers, including Uber drivers.
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`16.
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`, Plaintiff Chinese Progressive Association (“CPA”) is a nonprofit that develops the
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`leadership of Chinese immigrant working families in San Francisco to improve living and
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`working conditions for all. CPA’s Workers Rights’ programs include wage theft case support,
`hospitality job trainingprogram, community education and outreach, grassroots leadership.
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`development and policy advocacy. Their membership includes Uber drivers.
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`17.
`Defendant Uber Technologies, Inc. is a Delaware corporation that maintains its
`principal place of business at 1455 Market Street, Fourth Floor, San Francisco, California 94103.
`
`18.
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`Defendant Uber USA, LLCis a Delaware limited liability company that maintains
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`its principal place of business at 1455 Market Street, Fourth Floor, San Francisco, California
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`941 O3.
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`Defendant Raiser-CA, LLC is a Delaware limited liability company that maintains
`19.
`its principal place of business at 1455 Market Street, Fourth Floor, San Francisco, California
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`,
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`941 03.
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`20.
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`Defendant Rasier, LLC is a Delaware limited liability company that maintains its
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`principal place of business at 1455 Market Street, Fourth Floor, San Francisco, California 94103.
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`21.
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`_
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`_
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`_ Defendant Uber Technologies, Inc. is the parent company of Defendants Uber
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`USA, LLC, Rasier, LLC, and Rasier—CA, LLC.
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`22.
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`Rasier, LLC and Raiser-CA, LLC (collectively, “Rasier Defendants”) act as
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`intermediaries between Uber and its drivers by managing those drivers’ contracts and tax forms
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`and by issuing payments from Uber to its drivers. Uber’s drivers have no way to contact the
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`6
`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CASE NO.
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`Di
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`RasierDefendants but can only communicate through Uber. The Rasier Defendants are merely
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`instrumentalities of Uber, because they are undercapitalized and because Uber controls all
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`OCOCDNOU'l-booN
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`material aspects of their operations.
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`IV.
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`FACTS COMMON TO ALL CAUSES OF-ACTION
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`23.
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`Uber is a transportation network company that employs drivers to provide rides to
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`customers. Uber competes with other transportation services, including public transportation,
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`other ride-sharing services, and taxis.
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`24.
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`Uber’s drivers provide rides to customers who request transportation services via
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`Uber’s customer application on their smartphones. Uber’s driver application (“app”) assigns
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`those rides to drivers in the vicinity.
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`25.
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`Uber gathers an immense amount of information on both its customers and its
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`drivers. Uber tracks its drivers’ behavior and performance,.using data from their phones. Uber
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`uses the data to “identify unsafe driving behavior such as speeding or harsh braking and »
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`acceleration.” It uses this data along with user ratings “as grounds for deactivating drivers.” It
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`also uses driver data to “match available drivers .
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`.
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`. to users requesting services .
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`.
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`. based on
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`availability, proximity, and other factors.” Uber gathers location data from riders “when the
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`Uber app is running in the foreground (app open and on—screen) or background (app open but not
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`on-screen) of their mobile device.” It also gathers the content of certain in-app communications
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`between drivers and customers, “including the date and time of the communications and the
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`content of the communications.” And Uber gathers data about how its apps are used, by, among
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`other things, using “cookies, pixels, tags, and similar tracking technologies that create and
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`maintain unique identifiers.” Information about Uber’s policies are available at
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`htt s://www.uber.com/le al/en/document/?coun
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`=united-states&1an
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`=en&name= rivac -
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`notice.
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`26.
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`Uber uses a complex algorithm to “match” drivers to riders. That algorithm does
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`not just prioritize the lowest wait-time for users. Uber states that it “may also modify pairings of
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`drivers and riders in certain instances to help maintain a safe platform; for example, [it prevents]
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`matches if one has given the other a one-star rating in the past.” Information about Uber’s
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`7
`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CASE NO.
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`matching algorithm is available at htt s://market lace.uber.com/matchin .
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`27.
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`Uber regularly deactivates drivers. It warns: “If you violate any applicable terms
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`of use, terms of the contractual agreement you agreed to when signing up for an account with
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`Uber, or any of these Community Guidelines, you can lose access to the Uber apps.” Uber states:
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`“There will always be unforeseen events that may ultimately lead to you losing access to the
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`Uber apps—and we’ll update these guidelines regularly—but the [Community G]uidelines are
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`sufficient cause for Uber to take action.” Those Community Guidelines, among other things,
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`counsel drivers: “It may be a good idea to stay away from personal topics that can potentially be
`divisive, like religion and political beliefs.” Uber can prevent drivers from working with no prior
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`notice. Its Community Guidelines state: “If we are made aware of potentially problematic
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`behavior, we may contact you so we can look into it. We may, at our sole discretion, put a hold
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`on your account or turn your account inactive until our review is complete.” Uber’s policies are
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`available at https://www.uber.com/legal/en/documentl?countg=united-
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`states&1ang=en&name=genera1—communi§1—
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`guidelines& ga=2.82086358.1108171285.1603313261-1530897627.1603313261.
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`28.
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`These policies make clear to drivers that Uber is carefully monitoring the drivers’
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`actions, including their use of Uber’s app.
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`A.
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`Uber is Promoting Proposition 22 to Evade Its Obligations as an Employer
`Under California Law
`
`29.
`
`Plaintiffs and all other California drivers are properly classified as employees and
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`are entitled to California Labor Code sections 1101 and 1102’s protections, as well as to the
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`protections of all other provisions of state law that apply to “employees”-rather than “independent
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`contractors.”
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`30.
`
`The California Supreme Court landmark decision in Dynamex, 4 Cal. 5th 903,
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`clarified California law and established the ABC test for determining whether workers are
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`“suffered or permitted to work” and are therefore “employees” rather than “independent
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`contractors” under California law.
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`///
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`8
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`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CASE NO. _
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`PH(415)434-9800|FX(415)434-0513Iwww.rezlaw.com
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`SANFRANCISCO.CALIFORNIA94104
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`RUDYEXELRODZIEFF&LOWELLP
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`351CALIFORNIASTREET;SUITE700
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`SANFRANCISCO,CALIFORNIA94104
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`PH(415)434-9800|FX(415)434-0513|www.rez|aw.com
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`O
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`I.9“
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`31.
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`The California Legislature codified Dynamex by enacting AB 5, which went into
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`effect on January 1, 2020.
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`32.
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`Uber and other gig economy employers devoted substantial efforts to lobbying the
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`Legislature to obtain an exemption from AB 5, and they failed. According to Judge Dolly M.
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`Gee of the Central District of California, who rejected a challenge to Legislature’s decision not to
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`carve out gig economy companies like Uber from'the responsibility to treat their core workers as
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`“employees,” the “Legislature was not improperly mOtivated by animus or lobbying” in their
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`unwillingness to create an exemption for the “gig economy.” (Lydia Olson, et al. v. State of
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`California, et al., Case No. CV 19-10956-DMG (RAOx), Sept. 18, 2020, Order Re Defendants’
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`Motion to Dismiss (Dkt. No. 76), at 10.)
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`33.
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`Uber and other similarly situated companies then turned their sights to a ballot
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`initiative, identified on the upcoming November 2020 ballot as Proposition 22, which those
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`companies drafted and have thus far spent more than $188 million dollars to promote, including
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`through the unlawful means alleged herein. (See https://www.sos.ca.gov/campaign-lobbying/cal-
`access—resources/measure-contributions/2020-ballot-measure-contribution-totals/proposition-22-
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`Changes-emp1oyment-classification—rules-app-based-transportation-and-delivery-drivers-
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`initiative-statute (last visited Oct. 21, 2020).)
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`B.
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`Proposition 22 Offers Considerably Fewer Protections to Uber Drivers Than
`Current California Law Provides
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`34.
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`If passed by the electorate, Proposition 22 would reclassify employees who drive
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`for app-based rideshare and delivery companies, including Plaintiffs and all class members. (See
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`Proposed Bus. & Prof. Code § 7451 (available at
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`https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/topl—prop22.pdf (last visited October 20, 2020).)
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`Those drivers would lose the benefits and protections that they are currently entitled to as
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`“employees” under California law. (Id, §§ 7453-7457.) The chart below demonstrates how
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`Proposition 22, if enacted into law, would dramatically reduce the protections currently
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`guaranteed to employees under California law:
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`///
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`_\
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`9
`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CASE NO.
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`PH(415)434-9800|FX(415)434-0513|www.rez|aw.com
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`‘SANFRANCISCO,CALIFORNIA94104
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`RUDYEXELRO'DZIEFF&LOWELLP
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`351CALIFORNIASTREET.SUITE700
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`_ Under Current State and Federal Law
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`Under the Ballot Proposition
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`Wages
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`No overtime; workers would be
`Clear minimum wage; guaranteed
`overtime (150 percent of wages for work
`eligible to earn 120 percent of the
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`over 8 hours in one day, 40 hours in one
`local minimum wage, but only for
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`week)
`“engaged time” (time picking up
`and transporting passengers), and
`would not be compensated for the
`time they must be signed onto the
`app to wait for a fare or for any
`other required work time
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`
`
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`Reimbursement phones, car cleaning, etc.) — standard IRS mileage expenses for “engaged”
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`rate is over 57 cents pers mile
`miles (e.g., no reimbursement for
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`time without package/passenger)
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`I
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`-- Workers’
`Compensation
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`No-fault coverage for work-related
`injuries
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`Not “no-fault,” easier for insurers
`to deny coverage
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`Paid Family
`Leave
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`Eight weeks of paid leave
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`Paid Sick Days Three days of paid leave for illness or
`care of family — up to ten in some cities;
`additional COVID-19 leave in some
`cities
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`Unemployment Up to 26 weeks of cash benefits after no-
`Compensation
`fault job loss
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`None
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`None
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`Expense
`Allexpensesreimbursed(mileage,cell
`Thirtycenterspermile,butonly
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`Disability
`Insurance
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`_
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`Limited — caps total coverage for
`104 weeks
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`Lifetime access to wage replacement if
`injured
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`Health
`Access to federal benefits under the
`Limited — stipend only available to
`Insurance
`Affordable Care Act
`drivers who work over 15 hours of
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`“engaged” time for one company,
`and calculated based on “engaged”
`time, reducing the benefit amount
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`Discrimination
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`Protection against discrimination based
`on a broad set of characteristics
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`No explicit protection against
`discrimination based on
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`”'
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`'
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`immigration status
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`Could be created under state law
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`None
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`Right to
`Organize and
`Collectively
`Bargain
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`Protection from Protection from termination or discipline None
`Retaliation
`for reporting harassment, discrimination,
`or wage theft
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`Health and
`Safety
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`Requirements put in place injury
`prevention plans; give workers access to
`sanitation facilities
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`No similar requirement
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`(See Rey Fuentes, Rebecca Smith, & Brian Chen, “Rigging the Gig: How Uber, Lyft, and
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`DoorDash’s Ballot Initiative Would Put Corporations Above the Law and Steal Wages, Benefits,
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`and Protections from California Workers” (July 2020), page 2 (available at
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`10
`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CAsE NO.
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`RUDYEXELRODZIEFF&LOWELLP
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`351CALIFORNIASTREET,SUITE700
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`SANFRANCISCO,CALIFORNIA94104
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`PH(415)434—9800IFX(415)434-0513Iwww.rezlaw.com
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`_\
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`htt s://s27l47. cdn.co/w —content/u loads/Ri in -the—Gi Final-07.07.2020. df) (as
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`modified).)
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`C.
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`Uber is Attempting to Direct Its Employees’ Political Actions Through a
`Coercive Campaign of Misinformation
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`35.
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`Uber is exerting extreme and wrongful pressure on its drivers to vote for and
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`advocate for the passage of Proposition 22 in the 2020 election. In plain violation of the worker
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`free—political-choice guarantees of Labor Code section 1101, Uber developed, funded, and
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`ruthlessly implemented its statewide campaign of controlling, directing, and tending to control or
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`direct the political activities or affiliations of its drivers.
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`36.
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`Through Uber’s app, it communicates directly with its entire fleet of drivers.
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`Drivers must use the app to obtain work, because Uber assigns and tracks rides through its app,
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`accepts customer payments through its app, and does not make any other means of
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`communications or operations available to its drivers or customers.
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`37.
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`In or around August 2020, Uber began—forcing its drivers to read Uber’s barrage of
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`misinformation about Proposition 22. These messages appear in three different ways.
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`38.
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`First, when drivers sign on to the app, the first screen they see has sometimes
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`contained a directive to vote yes on Proposition 22, along with links to further information. The
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`driver must click through Uber’s instructions and information regarding Proposition 22 to begin
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`accepting rides.
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`39.
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`Second, when drivers sign off, the log off screen often directs them to vote for
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`Proposition 22. Many drivers repeatedly log on and off the app during a shift.
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`40.
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`Third, Uber messages its drivers asking them to take action to support Proposition
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`22, to vote for Proposition 22, and to read Uber’s misleading information about Proposition 22.
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`When drivers are using the app, they can see when they have unread messages in their inboxes.
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`If they are not using the app, it sends them notifications that appear on banners on their phones
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`notifying them that they have a message from Uber. Uber drivers are incentiviz'ed to check their
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`messages. For example, Uber messages drivers about “quests,” which provide drivers the
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`opportunity to earn more by reducing Uber’s fees when the drivers reach certain trip goals in a
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`l 1
`CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`CASE NO.
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`RUDYEXELRODZIEFF&LOWELLP
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`351CALIFORNIASTREET,SUITE700
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`SANFRANCISCO,CALIFORNIA94104
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`PH(415)434-9800|FX(415)434-0513[www.rezlaw.com
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`OCOCDNODU'l-bOONA
`NMNNNNNNNAAA—X—XAAA—X—Xmumm-wa—xocoooxlmmth—x
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`set amount of time.
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`41.
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`A representative sample of Uber’s solicitations and advertising materials are
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`attached hereto as Exhibit A, which are true and correct copies of the solicitations and advertising
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`materials that Plaintiff Valdez, like all other similarly situated Uber drivers in California, recently
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`received upon logging into Uber’s app.
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`1.
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`Uber is Threatening its Drivers with the Loss of Their Employment
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`42.
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`Uber is using unlawfully coercive tactics and wrongful threats ofjob loss to
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`pressure its employees into voting for Proposition 22 and into providing material support to Uber
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`and other gig economy employers in their efforts to promote Proposition 22 through false
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`statements, omissions of essential facts, and misrepresentations, including misrepresentations
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`concerning the supposed overwhelming support for Proposition 22 from those companies’ own
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`drivers.
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`43.
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`Uber has directly threatened in public statements that its drivers would lose their
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`jobs if Proposition 22 fails at the ballot box and Uber is required to pay its employees as
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`“employees” and to pay taxes to state and local government as an “employer” of those
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`“employees.” On August 19, 2020, after the San Francisco Superior Court (Schulman, J.)
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`enjoined Uber from continuing to misclassify its drivers as independent contractors, Uber
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`communicated to its drivers through misleading public messaging that it would be impossible for
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`Uber to continue providing rides in California — meaning all drivers would lose their jobs —
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`unless Proposition 22 passed. Uber plainly stated in its public statements that it would have no
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`choice in the matter. CEO Dara Khosrowshahi said, “Whether we close down or not is really up
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`to the courts and it’s totally out of our control at this point.” Without a stay of the Superior
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`Court’s injunction, Mr. Khosrowshahi said, “Essentially the service has to shut down.”1
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`1 hflpsM/wwwpoliticocom/states/california/stog/2020/08/ 1 9/uber-and—lyft—threaten—to-
`take-their-cars-and-go—home- 1 3 10414; see also https://www.marketplace.org/2020/08/20/uber-
`lyft-can-keep-driving-california-for-now/ (“Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi had repeatedly said
`its service wou