`Case 1:20-cv-03000-LAK Document 39-1 Filed 10/19/20 Page 1 of 56
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`EXHIBIT 1
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`EXHIBIT 1
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`Case 1:20-cv-03000-LAK Document 28 Filed 08/31/20 Page 1 of 55Case 1:20-cv-03000-LAK Document 39-1 Filed 10/19/20 Page 2 of 56
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`UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
`SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK
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`
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`MARIAM DAVITASHVILI, ADAM
`BENSIMON, MIA SAPIENZA, PHILIP
`ELIADES, JONATHAN SWABY, JOHN
`BOISI, NATHAN OBEY, and MALIK
`DREWEY, individually and on behalf of all
`others similarly situated,
`
`
`Plaintiffs,
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`
`v.
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`GRUBHUB INC., UBER TECHNOLOGIES,
`INC., and POSTMATES INC.,
`
`
`Defendants.
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`
`
`Civ. No. 1:20-cv-03000-LAK
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`JURY TRIAL DEMANDED
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`
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`AMENDED CONSOLIDATED CLASS ACTION COMPLAINT
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`Plaintiffs, Mariam Davitashvili, Adam Bensimon, Mia Sapienza, Philip Eliades, Jonathan
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`Swaby, John Boisi, Nathan Obey, and Malik Drewey, individually and on behalf of all others
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`similarly situated, bring this action against Grubhub Inc. (“Grubhub”), Uber Technologies, Inc.
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`(“Uber”), and Postmates Inc. (“Postmates”) and allege as follows:
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`I.
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`INTRODUCTION
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`1.
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`Defendants have violated Section 1 of the Sherman Act and its state analogues by
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`exploiting, without procompetitive justification, their dominant position in the market for delivery
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`and takeout through internet-based platforms that aggregate the offerings of multiple restaurants.
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`2.
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`Over the past decade, as smart phones have become ubiquitous, the popularity of
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`these platforms has skyrocketed. Because most restaurants face low profit margins, they require
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`significant volume to cover their costs. To achieve such volume, restaurants must sell through
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`Defendants’ platforms, which each have tens of millions of active users.
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`3.
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`Defendants use their market power to force any restaurant that sells goods on
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`Defendants’ platforms to pay unreasonable commissions, typically equal to 30% of every order,
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`each time a consumer orders from that restaurant through the platform. These commissions are so
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`large that, when restaurants sell through Defendants’ platforms, they must increase their prices just
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`to avoid losing money on each sale.
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`4.
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`In a freely competitive market, these restaurants could offset these increased costs
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`by increasing prices for consumers who choose the convenience of Defendants’ platforms, while
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`maintaining lower prices for consumers who order directly from the restaurants. That is, these
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`restaurants would offer their customers different prices depending on whether they used
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`Defendants’ platforms or placed orders directly through the restaurant.
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`5.
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`Insulating their platforms, however, each Defendant prevents the restaurants by
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`contract from offering lower prices for sales outside its platform. For each Defendant, these
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`restrictions apply to direct orders from the restaurants for takeout, delivery, or dine-in meals, even
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`if those consumers do no business with Defendants. Grubhub and Uber apply these contractual
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`restrictions most broadly by also preventing restaurants from charging lower prices for orders
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`through similar platforms, such as Doordash.
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`6.
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`Defendants do this because if the restaurants were to offer consumers lower prices
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`for sales outside each Defendant’s platform, then the restaurants’ sales on the platform would
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`decrease, and Defendants’ supracompetitive profits would be threatened.
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`7.
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`The contractual restrictions that Defendants impose on restaurants thus prevent
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`both restaurants and other platforms from competing on price with Defendants. As a result of
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`2
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`Defendants’ conduct, any restaurant using any Defendant’s platform charges all of its customers
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`supracompetitive prices.
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`8.
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`These agreements thereby cause substantial anticompetitive harm that, including
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`with respect to the millions of consumers who are not even using Defendants’ platforms, lacks
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`procompetitive justification. Indeed, although the courts in this country have not yet had occasion
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`to do so, European regulators have repeatedly concluded that nearly identical contractual
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`restrictions cause anticompetitive harm. In fact, bans on such provisions have resulted in lower
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`prices for consumers.
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`9.
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`Accordingly, on behalf of a nationwide class of the customers of restaurants using
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`these platforms, Plaintiffs seek to redress and enjoin Defendants’ unlawful conduct, occurring
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`from April 13, 2016, to the present (the “Class Period”).
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`II.
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`PARTIES
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`a. Plaintiffs
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`10.
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`Plaintiff Mariam Davitashvili is a resident and citizen of New York. Over the
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`relevant period, she has ordered meals for takeout, delivery, and dine-in directly from restaurants
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`that sell their goods through Defendants’ platforms.
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`11.
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`Plaintiff Adam Bensimon is a resident and citizen of New York. Over the relevant
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`period, he has ordered meals for takeout, delivery, and dine-in directly from restaurants that sell
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`their goods through Defendants’ platforms.
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`12.
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`Plaintiff Mia Sapienza is a resident and citizen of New York. Over the relevant
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`period, she has ordered meals for takeout, delivery, and dine-in directly from restaurants that sell
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`their goods through Defendants’ platforms.
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`3
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`13.
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`Plaintiff Phil Eliades is a resident of New York, New York, and a citizen of New
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`York. Over the relevant period, he has placed orders for takeout, delivery, and dine-in directly
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`from restaurants that sell their goods through each Defendant’s platform, and indirectly from such
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`restaurants through Doordash.
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`14.
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`Plaintiff Jonathan Swaby is a resident of New York, New York, and a citizen of
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`New York. Over the relevant period, he has placed orders for takeout, delivery, and dine-in
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`directly from restaurants that sell their goods through each Defendant’s platform, and indirectly
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`from such restaurants through Doordash.
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`15.
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`Plaintiff John Boisi is a resident of Brooklyn, New York, and a citizen of New
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`York. Over the relevant period, he has placed orders for takeout and dine-in directly from
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`restaurants that sell their goods through Grubhub and Postmates, and indirectly from such
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`restaurants through Caviar and Doordash.
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`16.
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`Plaintiff Nate Obey is a resident of Brooklyn, New York, and a citizen of New
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`York. Over the relevant period, he has placed orders for takeout and dine-in directly from
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`restaurants that sell their goods through Grubhub, and indirectly from such restaurants through
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`Caviar.
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`17.
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`Plaintiff Malik Drewey is a resident of Queens, New York, and a citizen of New
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`York. Over the relevant period, he has placed orders for takeout and dine-in directly from
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`restaurants that sell their goods through each Defendant’s platform, but he has not used any of
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`those platforms.
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`b. Defendants
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`18.
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`Defendant Grubhub is a Delaware corporation with its principal place of business
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`in Chicago, Illinois. Grubhub says it “connects more than 300,000 restaurants with hungry diners
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`4
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`in thousands of cities across the United States and is focused on transforming the takeout
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`experience.” Grubhub’s 2019 revenues were $1.31 billion.
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`19.
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`Defendant Uber is a Delaware corporation with a principal place of business in San
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`Francisco, California. Uber says its Uber Eats service “allows consumers to search for and
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`discover local restaurants, order a meal, and either pick-up at the restaurant or have the meal
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`delivered.” Uber’s 2019 revenues from this service were $2.5 billion.
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`20.
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`Defendant Postmates is a Delaware corporation with a principal place of business
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`in San Francisco, California. Postmates says it is “transforming the way goods move around cities
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`through [its] revolutionary Urban Logistics platform that connects customers with local couriers
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`who can deliver anything from your favorite restaurant or retailer within minutes.” Postmates is
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`not a public company; its reported valuation is approximately $2.4 billion.
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`21.
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`On July 6, 2020, Uber announced an agreement to acquire Postmates in a $2.65
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`billion all-stock takeover.
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`III.
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`JURISDICTION AND VENUE
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`22.
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`This Court has subject matter jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § 1332(d)(2) because
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`the matter in controversy exceeds the value of $5,000,000, exclusive of interests and costs, and is
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`a class action in which any member of a class of plaintiffs is a citizen of a state different from any
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`defendant. This Court also has subject matter jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. §§ 1331 and 1337(a)
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`and 15 U.S.C. § 15.
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`23.
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`Venue lies within this District under 15 U.S.C. § 22 and 28 U.S.C. § 1391 because
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`Defendants resided, transacted business, were found or had agents in this District, and a substantial
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`portion of the alleged activity affected interstate trade and commerce in this District.
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`5
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`24.
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`This Court has personal jurisdiction over Defendants because this action arises out
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`of Defendants’ conduct in this District.
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`IV.
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`FACTUAL ALLEGATIONS
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`a. The Relevant Product Markets
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`25.
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`Coupled with the already increasing frequency with which restaurants had come to
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`offer takeout and delivery service, the advent of the internet even further changed the food
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`industry. Instead of calling a restaurant to place an order for takeout or delivery, customers could
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`order on a restaurant’s website menu.
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`26.
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`Defendant Grubhub was one of the first companies to build and operate an online
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`platform through which restaurant menus in a particular region are aggregated to allow consumers
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`to view available pickup or delivery options all at once.
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`27.
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`These “Restaurant Platforms” enable consumers to search for participating
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`restaurants in a particular locality and order food for takeout or delivery from those restaurants.
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`Restaurant Platforms also deliver food for participating restaurants that do not want to provide
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`delivery themselves.
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`28.
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`In aggregating the offerings of multiple restaurants in a single place, Restaurant
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`Platforms provide a service distinct from a restaurant’s website or app (e.g., a Domino’s pizza
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`app), which simply allow a consumer to place an order from a single restaurant.
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`29.
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`Restaurant Platforms thus compete with each other in the product market for
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`takeout and delivery orders from Restaurant Platforms (the “Restaurant Platform Market”).
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`30.
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`For purposes of this action, two additional product markets are also relevant. First,
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`in addition to offering meals for takeout and delivery through Restaurant Platforms, restaurants
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`also sell meals directly to consumers for takeout and delivery (the “Direct Takeout and Delivery
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`6
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`Market”). In the Direct Takeout and Delivery Market, a consumer may order directly from a
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`restaurant for takeout or delivery by, for example, calling the restaurant’s phone number or by
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`visiting the restaurant’s website. Second, consumers may also order meals to be eaten at a
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`restaurant directly from that restaurant (the “Dine-In Market”). In the Dine-In Market, a consumer
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`may order a meal from a restaurant and eat the meal at that restaurant, as opposed to taking that
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`meal to eat elsewhere. These markets, in addition to the Restaurant Platform Market, are described
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`in more detail below.
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`b. The Restaurant Platform Market
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`31.
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`Although a number of firms participate in the Restaurant Platform Market, the
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`market is dominated by just four firms: Doordash, Grubhub, Uber, and Postmates.
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`32.
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`According to data compiled by Vox, these firms control a remarkable 98% of the
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`Restaurant Platform Market in the United States.
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`33.
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`Vox found that as of November 2019, Doordash’s national share of the market was
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`37%, Grubhub’s share was 31%, Uber’s share was 20%, and Postmates’ share was 10%. This data
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`underestimates Uber’s market share, because beginning in May 2019, some Uber Eats transactions
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`became indistinguishable from Uber Rides transactions.
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`34.
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`These market shares vary across metropolitan areas. As The Atlantic has observed,
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`Restaurant Platforms have “split their dominance regionally, like cable companies.” Grubhub, for
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`example, controls 67% of the market in all of New York City, 4.5 times as much as its closest
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`competitor in that market. Vox has summarized estimated shares in other markets:
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`Local Market
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`Grubhub Share
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`Uber Share
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`Postmates Share
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`New York City
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`SF Bay Area
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`67%
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`16%
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`7
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`14%
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`13%
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`4%
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`8%
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`Miami
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`Houston
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`Phoenix
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`Dallas-Fort Worth
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`Washington, D.C.
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`Boston
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`Los Angeles
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`Chicago
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`Philadelphia
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`Atlanta
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`11%
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`9%
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`15%
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`12%
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`22%
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`41%
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`19%
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`37%
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`42%
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`12%
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`55%
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`29%
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`23%
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`32%
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`28%
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`26%
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`15%
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`24%
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`16%
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`40%
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`19%
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`4%
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`23%
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`4%
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`7%
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`4%
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`37%
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`6%
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`3%
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`10%
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`35.
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`This result is the natural consequence not only of so-called indirect network effects,
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`as explained below, but also of Defendants’ anticompetitive conduct.
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`c. The Business of Restaurant Platforms
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`36.
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`Restaurant Platforms are two-sided platforms, acting as an intermediary to connect
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`restaurants and consumers to the benefit of both.
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`37.
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`In its most recent 10-K, Grubhub describes its business as follows: “The Company
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`connects more than 300,000 restaurants with hungry diners in thousands of cities across the United
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`States and is focused on transforming the takeout experience.”
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`38.
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`In its most recent 10-K, Uber similarly describes its business as follows: “Our Eats
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`offering allows consumers to search for and discover local restaurants, order a meal, and either
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`pick-up at the restaurant or have the meal delivered.”
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`8
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`39.
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`Postmates, on its website, likewise describes itself as follows: “Postmates is
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`transforming the way goods move around cities through [its] revolutionary Urban Logistics
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`platform that connects customers with local couriers who can deliver nearly anything from your
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`favorite restaurant or retailer in minutes.”
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`40.
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`Grubhub, Uber, and Postmates, like other Restaurant Platforms, not only connect
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`restaurants and consumers, but also derive revenue from both restaurants and consumers.
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`41.
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`Restaurant Commission. When a consumer orders from a restaurant through a
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`Restaurant Platform, the platform typically charges the restaurant a commission (the “Restaurant
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`Commission”). The Restaurant Commission is typically equal to a rate (the “Restaurant
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`Commission Rate”) multiplied by the total price of the order.
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`42.
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`If the restaurant does not provide its own delivery, the total price is the listed price
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`of the goods ordered (e.g., the total price of two burgers, one order of fries, and a soda). Those
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`prices, which are typically chosen by the restaurant, are referred to as the Restaurant List Prices.
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`If the restaurant provides its own delivery, the total price is the sum of the Restaurant List Prices
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`for the goods ordered, plus the delivery fees the restaurant charges. Defendants typically charge a
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`30% Restaurant Commission Rate to restaurants that do not provide their own delivery, and a
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`lower Restaurant Commission Rate for restaurants that do provide their own delivery.
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`43.
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`Consumer Commission. A Restaurant Platform also charges consumers a service
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`fee (the “Consumer Commission”). The Consumer Commission is typically equal to a commission
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`rate (the “Consumer Commission Rate”) multiplied by the total listed price of the order. The
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`Consumer Commission Rate is typically between 5% and 10%. In some cases, Restaurant
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`Platforms charge no Consumer Commission Rates for orders from restaurants that provide their
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`own deliveries and for takeout orders.
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`9
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`44.
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`Consumer Delivery Fee. Restaurant Platforms also typically charge the consumer
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`a delivery fee for orders from restaurants that do not provide their own delivery (the “Consumer
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`Delivery Fee”). The Consumer Delivery Fee is typically about 5%.
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`45.
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`The following is an example of the fees that Restaurant Platforms charge:
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`Restaurant List Price
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`Restaurant’s delivery price
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`Restaurant Commission Rate
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`Restaurant Commission
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`Consumer Commission Rate
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`Consumer Commission
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`Consumer Delivery Fee
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`Total Charged to Consumer
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`Total Revenue for Restaurant
`Platform
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`Scenario A:
`Restaurant
`Platform provides
`delivery
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`Scenario B:
`Restaurant
`provides delivery
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`Scenario C:
`Takeout
`orders
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`$50.00
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`n/a
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`30%
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`$15.00
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`5%
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`$2.50
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`$2.50
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`$55.00
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`$20.00
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`$50.00
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`$2.00
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`20%
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`$10.40
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`0%
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`$0.00
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`$0.00
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`$52.00
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`$10.40
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`$50.00
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`n/a
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`15%
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`$7.50
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`0%
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`$0.00
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`$0.00
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`$50.00
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`$7.50
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`The Restaurant Platform Market is a separate product market from both the Direct
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`46.
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`Takeout and Delivery Market and the Dine-In Market. This is because a hypothetical Restaurant
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`Platform monopolist could profitably increase prices, as measured by the fees charged to both
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`restaurants and consumers, above competitive levels.
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`47.
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`Although consumers may order meals for takeout or delivery in the Restaurant
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`Platform Market or the Direct Takeout and Delivery Market, direct orders from restaurants (i.e.,
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`10
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`orders in the Direct Takeout and Delivery Market) are not reasonably interchangeable with orders
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`from Restaurant Platforms. This is the case for several reasons.
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`48.
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`First, Restaurant Platforms offer services that restaurants do not offer. Restaurant
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`Platforms list different restaurants that offer takeout and delivery in a particular area and thus allow
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`the user to choose a restaurant based on her preferences, including based on reviews provided by
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`other users of the Restaurant Platform. In allowing consumers to rate and review restaurants that
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`they have ordered from, Restaurant Platforms allow consumers to share their experiences. In
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`contrast, restaurants in the Direct Takeout and Delivery Market simply offer consumers the ability
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`to place an order after the consumer has already decided to order from that restaurant.
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`49.
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`For example, Grubhub has a five-star rating system that allows its users to rate an
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`individual restaurant, leave a review, and inform others what they ordered from the restaurant:
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`50.
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`Second, Restaurant Platforms allow consumers to place orders through mobile apps
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`and websites, without speaking with a person. Once a consumer has provided a Restaurant
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`11
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`Platform with her payment information, then she can place future orders without providing that
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`information again. Restaurants do not necessarily offer the same services; indeed, the vast
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`majority of restaurants do not offer their own mobile apps and many do not offer online ordering.
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`51.
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`Third, as discussed in more detail below, Restaurant Platforms are “sticky,”
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`meaning that consumers who become familiar with platforms are unlikely to switch to any other
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`service, whether that other service is a competing Restaurant Platform or a restaurant website or
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`mobile app. This means that a hypothetical Restaurant Platform monopolist could raise prices to
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`a degree that it otherwise could not without seeing decreased profits.
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`52.
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`Fourth, although different consumers use Restaurant Platforms, they are especially
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`popular among young professionals in major cities. This is a distinct group of consumers with
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`distinct sensitivities to price changes and distinct preferences.
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`53.
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`These distinctions demonstrate that, if a hypothetical Restaurant Platform
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`monopolist increased prices to 5% above competitive levels, not enough consumers would switch
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`away from that platform to make that price increase unprofitable. As further support for this
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`analysis, commentators and politicians have identified the Restaurant Platform Market as a distinct
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`market, characterizing it as an oligopoly and calling for antitrust scrutiny of potential mergers in
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`that market.
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`54.
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`Although (for purposes of antitrust law) the Restaurant Platform Market is distinct
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`from the Direct Takeout and Delivery Market and the Dine-In Market, there is some cross-
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`elasticity between the Restaurant Platform Market and those markets. If a hypothetical Restaurant
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`Platform monopolist increased prices, some consumers would switch to ordering in the Direct
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`Takeout and Delivery Market or the Dine-In Market. For example, it would not necessarily be
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`profitable for a hypothetical Restaurant Platform monopolist to increase prices to more than 5%
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`12
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`above competitive levels. Put differently, a hypothetical Restaurant Platform monopolist that is
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`already charging supracompetitive prices to restaurants and consumers may be unable, absent
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`some other restrictive mechanism, to profitably increase those prices further.
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`d. Defendants Contractually Restrict Restaurant Prices
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`Defendants have leveraged their position in the relevant markets to force restaurants
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`55.
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`to enter into agreements that include clauses requiring uniform prices for restaurants’ menu items
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`(the “No Price Competition Clause” or “NPCC”).
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`56.
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`In general, the NPCCs prohibit a supplier that sells through that platform from
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`charging lower prices when that supplier sells through other channels. NPCCs may be broadly
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`categorized as “narrow” or “wide.” In a “narrow NPCC,” the platform prohibits the supplier from
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`selling its goods at a lower price when the supplier sells to consumers directly, as opposed to
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`through the platform or some other non-direct channel. In a “wide NPCC,” the platform prohibits
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`the supplier from selling its goods at a lower price when the supplier sells through any channel
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`other than through the platform.
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`57.
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`Postmates imposes narrow NPCCs on restaurants that sell through Postmates.
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`Postmates’s NPCC states: “Pricing shall be consistent with Merchant’s in-store pricing.” That is,
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`“Postmates insists on price parity between in-store and online menus.”
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`58.
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`As a result, any restaurant that sells goods through Postmates is contractually
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`prohibited from selling those goods at a lower price to consumers who purchase directly from that
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`restaurant, regardless of whether the meal is for takeout, delivery, or dine-in, and regardless of
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`whether that meal was ordered online, by phone, or in person. The restaurant may, however,
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`charge a lower price when it sells its goods through a competing platform, such as Doordash.
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`59.
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`Grubhub and Uber both impose wide NPCCs. Like Postmates’s NPCC, these
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`provisions prohibit restaurants from selling at lower prices directly to consumers (regardless of
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`whether the meal is for takeout, delivery, or dine-in, and regardless of whether that meal is ordered
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`online, on the phone, or in person). But unlike Postmates’s NPCC, Grubhub’s and Uber’s wide
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`NPCCs also prohibit restaurants from selling at lower prices to consumers through any competing
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`Restaurant Platform. For a restaurant that sells through Grubhub or Uber, the restaurant’s
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`Restaurant List Price on those platforms is the lowest price the restaurant is permitted to charge in
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`selling its goods.
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`60.
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`Grubhub’s NPCC states: “The item pricing must be at least as favorable to the
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`consumer as that which is available for Restaurant’s standard menu or offered to any 3rd party
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`service.” Consistent with this provision, Grubhub boasts (in its 2019 10-K) that it offers “menu
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`price parity with any other online ordering option.”
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`61.
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`Uber’s NPCC states: “Merchant may not make any Item available to Customers
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`through the Eats App at a price that is higher than the price that Merchant charges in-store for
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`similar Items. Merchant agrees that you will not make an Item available under this Agreement at
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`a price higher than the amount Merchant is charging for similar Items through any comparable
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`platform for food delivery services.”
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`62.
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`The Restaurant Platform industry as a whole demonstrates that Defendants’ NPCCs
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`are not a necessary element of their business. Doordash, for example, does not impose these
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`restrictions on restaurants that sell through its platform. Public reporting on Doordash highlights
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`this distinction:
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`For a very long time GrubHub forced stores to sell at the exact same
`menu price that they offered in store – exactly what you’re
`mentioning. But then DoorDash came out and said, “Hey
`restaurant, you do whatever you want for your pricing, if you want
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`to sell it on DoorDash at 10%, 15% higher, so forth.” So, lot[s] of
`restaurant clients really liked DoorDash as they could increase their
`prices to recover commission costs.
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`Another publication characterized this fact as a key “differentiator” for Doordash, explaining that
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`Doordash’s lack of NPCC was “a big win for restaurants” because it allows them to “increase
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`prices on that platform to offset the delivery app’s commission fees, without increasing the in-
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`house restaurant list price.”
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`63.
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`A 2016 Bloomberg article similarly reported: “An explanation for DoorDash’s
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`price discrepancies can be found in a support document within the help section of the company’s
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`website. It says partner restaurants may choose to charge customers more to make up for
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`commissions paid to the delivery company.”
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`64.
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`Defendants’ NPCCs have forced consumers who purchase from restaurants directly
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`or from other Restaurant Platforms to pay supracompetitive prices; have enabled Defendants to
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`continue offering subpar technology and service; and have caused Restaurant Commission Rates
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`to increase to such a degree that restaurants have been forced out of business. Defendants’ NPCCs
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`are anticompetitive and do not have any procompetitive justification.
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`e. Competition in the Restaurant Platform Market
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`65.
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`Restaurant Platforms compete with each other for both delivery and takeout orders.
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`For an order to occur, a Restaurant Platform needs to match a consumer and a restaurant. As a
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`result, in competing for orders, Restaurant Platforms compete with each other for both consumers
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`and restaurants.
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`66.
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`Restaurant Platforms exhibit indirect network effects, in that the value that they
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`offer to one side of the platform is a function of the extent of the use of the other side of the
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`platform. A Restaurant Platform that more consumers use is more valuable to restaurants, because
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`the platform connects those restaurants with more consumers. Conversely, a Restaurant Platform
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`that more restaurants use is more valuable to consumers, because that platform connects those
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`consumers to more restaurants.
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`67.
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`These indirect network effects thus create a positive feedback loop for a market-
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`leading Restaurant Platform. A Restaurant Platform that is popular with consumers is more
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`attractive to restaurants and will therefore succeed in attracting more restaurants to the platform.
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`Once more restaurants agree to use the platform, the platform becomes even more attractive to
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`new consumers, who will also use that platform.
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`68.
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`In producing significant benefits to a market-leading Restaurant Platform, however,
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`this positive feedback loop imposes significant barriers for smaller firms and new entrants. A
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`small or new entrant cannot reasonably compete with larger Restaurant Platforms unless it can
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`offer consumers a sufficient number of restaurants from which to choose. Conversely, the small
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`or new entrant cannot realistically attract restaurants unless it can provide those restaurants with
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`access to a sufficient number of consumers. Indirect network effects thus simultaneously make it
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`easier for a market-leading firm to maintain its dominance and more difficult for a new entrant or
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`smaller firm to establish a foothold.
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`69.
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`Even Amazon, for example, was unable successfully to break into the Restaurant
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`Platform Market. As the New York Times explained: “Since it started in Seattle in 2015, Amazon
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`Restaurants has struggled to gain a foothold in the restaurant delivery market,” where “nearly 80
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`percent” of the market is controlled by “UberEats, Grubhub and DoorDash.” Accordingly, in June
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`2019, Amazon Restaurants shut down.
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`70.
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`Indirect network effects alone, however, do not necessarily preclude new entrants
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`or smaller firms from taking market share away from a market-leading firm. For example, one
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`journalist explained that Doordash was able to take market share away from Grubhub by
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`expanding the services that it offered.
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`Grubhub’s original model was a marketplace for consumers to order
`food from independent restaurants that already had their own
`delivery fleets. Though this was a game-changer for consumers, it
`constrained supply to only listing restaurants that could perform
`their own deliveries. This was a mistake.
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`Postmates and DoorDash were the first to realize that if they could
`provide the broader group of restaurants that did not do delivery with
`the ability to do deliveries, they could dramatically increase the
`number of restaurants that could exist in the marketplace, thereby
`leapfrogging Grubhub’s selection (and liquidity).
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`Once they realized this Achilles heel, Postmates and DoorDash
`raced to exploit the vulnerability with a growth-at-all costs
`mentality. Grubhub was caught backfooted. Grubhub thought that
`they had saturated the market, but they had only saturated a
`subsection of the market—independent restaurants that made their
`own deliveries. Meanwhile, DoorDash, Postmates, Uber Eats, and
`all other food delivery startups were racing to capitalize on the
`newer, bigger definition of the category.
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`In addition to increasing the size of the market, Restaurant Platforms have also
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`71.
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`sought to gain and protect their market shares in a number of other ways.
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`72.
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`On the restaurant side, for example, Restaurant Platforms have sought to prevent
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`competitors from signing up additional restaurants by entering into exclusive agreements with
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`those restaurants. For example, Grubhub has an exclusive deal with Yum Brands (KFC and Taco
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`Bell), Doordash has an exclusive deal with Chili’s and the Cheesecake Factory, and Uber used to
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`have an exclusive deal with McDonald’s.
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`73.
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`On the consumer side, Restaurant Platforms