`
`UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
`FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK
`
`REGENERON PHARMACEUTICALS,
`INC.,
`
`20-10488
`Case No. _______________
`
`Plaintiff,
`
`v.
`
`ECF Case
`
`UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF
`HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES,
`
`ALEX M. AZAR II, in his official capacity
`as Secretary of the United States Department
`of Health and Human Services,
`
`CENTERS FOR MEDICARE AND
`MEDICAID SERVICES, and
`
`SEEMA VERMA, in her official capacity as
`the Administrator of the Centers for
`Medicare and Medicaid Services,
`
`Defendants.
`
`COMPLAINT FOR DECLARATORY AND INJUNCTIVE RELIEF
`
`Regeneron Pharmaceuticals, Inc. (Regeneron) brings this complaint for declaratory and
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`injunctive relief against Defendants United States Department of Health and Human Services
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`(HHS); Alex M. Azar II, in his official capacity as Secretary of HHS; Centers for Medicare &
`
`Medicaid Services (CMS); and Seema Verma, in her official capacity as Administrator of CMS.
`
`In support thereof, Regeneron states the following:
`
`NATURE OF THIS ACTION
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`1.
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`The U.S. pharmaceutical industry is one of the marvels of the modern world. Every
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`year the industry develops new treatments for diseases that have afflicted humans for millennia.
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`Even now, during a worldwide pandemic, U.S. pharmaceutical companies have been working
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`around-the-clock in an unprecedented effort to discover vaccines, therapies, and other products to
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`combat SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19.
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`2.
`
`The success of the U.S. pharmaceutical industry and the scientific advances that
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`benefit patients have not come about by chance. A new drug can cost years of time and literally
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`billions of dollars to develop. To encourage the pharmaceutical industry to incur those
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`extraordinary costs, Congress has provided intellectual property protections but left drug pricing
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`largely to the law of supply and demand, thus creating incentives for drug developers to expend
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`the resources necessary for cutting-edge innovation. The resulting access that patients have to life-
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`saving medicines is a testament to Congress’ wisdom.
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`3.
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`Many other countries, by contrast, have taken a different path, thus depriving
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`patients access to innovative medicines. Because the pharmaceutical industry is characterized by
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`enormous “sunk” costs (namely, the prior costs of discovering and developing new drugs) but low
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`“marginal” costs (namely, the ongoing costs of manufacturing existing drugs), foreign
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`governments—especially those with less innovative pharmaceutical industries—often dictate drug
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`pricing that allows drug companies to recoup marginal costs but not sunk costs. Yet the only reason
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`many drugs even exist is because they were developed in the United States, which rewards
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`innovation and allows drug companies to charge prices that reflect total costs. If every country,
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`including the United States, gave short shrift to sunk costs, there would be few innovative drugs
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`to price as the incentives to develop new drugs would decrease if not disappear outright. Congress
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`thus has repeatedly rejected proposals to model U.S. drug pricing on other countries’ approaches.
`
`4.
`
`Despite Congress’ considered and consistent judgment not to follow foreign
`
`countries’ approaches to drug pricing, on July 24, 2020, the President announced four executive
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`2
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 3 of 32
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`orders addressing pharmaceutical drug pricing. According to the President, “the four
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`orders … will completely restructure the prescription drug market”—and the fourth is “the
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`granddaddy of them all.” This fourth order, “the order on favored nations,” would be
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`“transformative” and require Medicare to “purchase drugs at the same price as other countries
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`pay.” According to the President, the effect of the orders would be “very dramatic,” “very
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`shocking,” and “sweeping”—resulting in “the most far-reaching prescription drug reforms ever
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`issued.”
`
`5.
`
`The Administration released the text of the first three orders alongside the
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`President’s July 24 announcement. But it elected to “hold” the “transformative” fourth order out
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`of public view, only issuing it on September 13. That order directed HHS to “implement” a rule
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`whereby Medicare would, for certain drugs, pay “no more than the most-favored-nation price.”
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`6.
`
`On November 20, 2020, HHS, acting through CMS, issued the rule previewed in
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`July and September: a “Most Favored Nation (MFN) Model” for Medicare Part B drug pricing
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`(the “MFN Rule”). The 258-page MFN Rule establishes an “MFN Model” under which, for the
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`50 drugs generally making up the highest levels of Medicare Part B spending, the federal
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`government will reimburse a healthcare provider for the sale of a drug not at the average sale price
`
`for that drug in the United States—as Congress has directed by statute—but only at the lowest
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`price paid for that drug by any other country that is a member of the Organisation for Economic
`
`Cooperation and Development (OECD) with a GDP per capita at least sixty percent of the U.S.
`
`GDP per capita. The “MFN Model” applies nationwide, is mandatory for all providers and
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`suppliers in the Medicare program, and will be in effect for seven years beginning January 1, 2021.
`
`7.
`
`In announcing the MFN Rule, the President called the rule “groundbreaking,”
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`“unprecedented,” and a rule that “will transform the way the U.S. government pays for drugs.”
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`3
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 4 of 32
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`The President acknowledged that “[n]obody has ever done this” before.
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`8.
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`Upon issuance of the MFN Rule, it became clear why “[n]obody has ever done this”
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`before: the MFN Rule, while certainly “transformative,” “groundbreaking,” and “the granddaddy”
`
`of “the most far-reaching prescription drug reforms ever issued,” is also unlawful.
`
`9.
`
`First, the 258-page “transformative,” “groundbreaking,” and “unprecedented”
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`MFN Rule was issued without the notice-and-comment process required by the Administrative
`
`Procedure Act and the Medicare Act. Despite the fact that the MFN Rule, by design, will have
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`sweeping effects on millions of stakeholders in the American healthcare system—including
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`healthcare providers, patients, and pharmaceutical manufacturers—and impact the Nation’s
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`economy by billions of dollars, Defendants did not properly invite, much less consider, public
`
`input before issuing the rule. Defendants have instead claimed that they need not comply with the
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`notice-and-comment requirement, an assertion that does not withstand scrutiny.
`
`10.
`
`Second, the lone source of statutory authority Defendants have invoked to issue the
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`MFN Rule is an obscure provision created by the Affordable Care Act. But the United States is
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`currently telling the Supreme Court that the entire Affordable Care Act should be struck down. If
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`Defendants stand by the arguments that the Solicitor General has made to the Supreme Court, then
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`there is no conceivable statutory authority whatsoever for the MFN Rule. Regardless, the cited
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`provision does not remotely support Defendants’effort to “transform” the Nation’s pharmaceutical
`
`drug market. It merely establishes the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation (CMMI) and
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`provides that CMMI may “test” new “payment and service delivery models.” Nothing in that
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`limited statutory mousehole begins to justify the elephantine and “transformative” MFN Rule or
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`otherwise permit Defendants to unilaterally replace the Nation’s longstanding, congressionally
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`mandated, market-driven methodology for pharmaceutical pricing.
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`4
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 5 of 32
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`11.
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`Third, the MFN Rule is arbitrary and capricious. In their quest to force a nationwide
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`pricing regimen, Defendants failed to create a control group to assess the effects of the MFN
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`“model,” and they failed to address critical considerations, including the rule’s adverse effects on
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`innovation, the pharmaceutical industry’s reliance on longstanding drug pricing law, and the fact
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`that some companies—like Regeneron—do not control the foreign pricing of products affected by
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`the MFN Rule. The MFN Rule is also arbitrary and capricious because Defendants’ real
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`motivation for issuing the rule was animus against the pharmaceutical industry.
`
`12.
`
`Fourth, interpreting the modest provision invoked by Defendants as authorizing the
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`Executive Branch to “transform” the pricing of prescription drugs by overriding the
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`congressionally established pricing system violates constitutional separation-of-powers principles.
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`The MFN Rule also violates the First Amendment, the nondelegation doctrine, due process, and
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`the Foreign Commerce Clause, and constitutes a taking without just compensation.
`
`13.
`
`Because the MFN Rule was issued without following proper procedure, is in excess
`
`of Defendants’ statutory and constitutional authority, and is arbitrary and capricious, it is unlawful
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`and this Court should enjoin it. As Congress has recognized on numerous occasions, the
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`pharmaceutical industry’s long-term ability to innovate and find new cures and treatments for
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`disease depends on the existence of a domestic pricing system that allows drug developers to
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`recoup the full costs of drugs, including their development costs. Because the MFN Rule, by
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`design, will prevent that from happening, judicial review is essential to protect the future of this
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`important industry and the billions of people it serves.
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`PARTIES
`
`14.
`
`Plaintiff Regeneron is a New York corporation with its headquarters in Tarrytown,
`
`New York. Regeneron was founded in 1988 as a biopharmaceutical company committed to
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`developing new medicines for people with serious and rare diseases. The physician-scientists that
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`5
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 6 of 32
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`make up Regeneron’s board of directors and executive leadership team established and maintained
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`Regeneron’s research-driven approach from 1988 to the present. Since Regeneron’s founding, its
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`board of directors—comprised of its founding scientists, industry experts, and Nobel laureates—
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`has consistently pushed the boundaries of scientific excellence and discovery with a shared
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`commitment to transforming lives. Currently, nine members of Regeneron’s 12-member Board
`
`hold doctorate-level degrees in medical or scientific fields, and the majority are members of the
`
`National Academy of Sciences. Regeneron spent 20 years and $1.3 billion conducting research
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`before bringing its first drug to market in 2008. Since then, the company has developed seven
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`FDA-approved medicines, while continually reinvesting in the development of innovative and
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`urgently needed drugs. One of Regeneron’s FDA-approved medicines is EYLEA® (aflibercept)
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`Injection (EYLEA), the leading FDA-approved therapeutic for treating wet age-related macular
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`degeneration (a major cause of blindness) and other retinal diseases.
`
`15.
`
`Defendant United States Department of Health and Human Services is a federal
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`cabinet-level department tasked with administering various healthcare-related statutes. It is
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`headquartered at 200 Independence Ave., S.W., Washington, DC, 20201.
`
`16.
`
`Defendant Alex M. Azar II is Secretary of Health and Human Services. Secretary
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`Azar is sued in his official capacity. He maintains offices at 200 Independence Ave., S.W.,
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`Washington, DC, 20201. Secretary Azar formally approved the MFN Rule on behalf of HHS.
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`17.
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`Defendant Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services is an agency within the
`
`Department of Health & Human Services that administers the Medicare and Medicaid programs.
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`It is headquartered at 7500 Security Boulevard, Baltimore, MD, 21244.
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`18.
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`Defendant Seema Verma is Administrator of Centers for Medicare & Medicaid
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`Services. Administrator Verma is sued in her official capacity. She maintains offices at 27500
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`
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`6
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 7 of 32
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`Security Boulevard, Baltimore, MD, 21244. Administrator Verma formally approved the MFN
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`Rule on behalf of CMS.
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`JURISDICTION AND VENUE
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`19.
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`This Court has subject-matter jurisdiction pursuant to 28 U.S.C. §1331. This action
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`arises under, among other federal statutes, the Administrative Procedure Act (APA), 5 U.S.C.
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`§§702 and 706, and the Declaratory Judgment Act, 28 U.S.C. §§2201-02. These provisions allow
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`Regeneron to pursue both statutory and constitutional challenges to the MFN Rule. The All Writs
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`Act, 28 U.S.C. §1651, grants this Court authority to enter preliminary relief to preserve the status
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`quo pending its review of the merits of Regeneron’s claims.
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`20.
`
`Venue is proper in this district pursuant to 28 U.S.C. §1391(e) because Regeneron
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`is headquartered and resides in this district and its injured property is located in this district.
`
`I.
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`Pharmaceutical Pricing in the United States
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`FACTUAL ALLEGATIONS
`
`21.
`
`The U.S. pharmaceutical industry has rightly been labeled a modern miracle.
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`Because of today’s drugs, many diseases that have afflicted mankind since time out of mind have
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`been defeated or are in significant retreat. Indeed, at this very moment, pharmaceutical companies
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`like Regeneron are working around-the-clock to develop, manufacture, and distribute vaccines and
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`therapies against SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19.
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`22.
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`Congress has deliberately created a legal system that encourages pharmaceutical
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`companies to invest the extraordinary sums necessary to develop new drugs, a process that can
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`take years of time and billions of dollars. Congress has provided patent protection to drug
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`developers and then largely left drug pricing to the law of supply and demand. Drug manufacturers
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`in the United States thus are generally free to charge a price that reflects not only the “marginal”
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`costs of their products, but also the “sunk” costs associated with drug development.
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`7
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 8 of 32
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`23.
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`Pharmaceutical developers and manufacturers like Regeneron generally sell drugs
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`like those at issue here according to a “buy and bill” model. They first sell the drugs to wholesalers,
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`who then sell those drugs to pharmacies, hospitals, doctors, and other healthcare providers. At the
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`end of the chain, patients pay for the drugs either out of pocket or via insurance, often including
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`government-funded insurance. Purchasers throughout the distribution chain (such as, for example,
`
`wholesalers or pharmacies) regularly attempt to negotiate for lower prices, for instance by joining
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`in a group purchasing agreement or group purchasing organization.
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`24.
`
`The following chart, prepared by CMS,
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`illustrates U.S. drug pricing:
`
`25.
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`Because each step along the distribution chain involves a change of title, each
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`purchaser of a drug along the chain typically pays a different price. A manufacturer’s price to a
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`wholesaler is typically based on that drug’s Wholesale Acquisition Cost (WAC) which is defined
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`8
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 9 of 32
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`as “the manufacturer’s list price” to “wholesalers or direct purchasers,” “not including prompt pay
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`or other discounts, rebates or reductions in price.” 42 U.S.C. §1395w-3a(c)(6)(B). The WAC,
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`however, typically is higher than the actual price that a wholesaler charges. This is so because of,
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`among other things, manufacturer rebates and discounts that reduce acquisition costs downstream.
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`26.
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`Insurance is a key part of the U.S. healthcare market, including for drugs. Indeed,
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`either private or government insurance will often pay a significant portion of the cost of a drug.
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`Patients, by contrast, typically will pay a smaller portion via an out-of-pocket payment. That out-
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`of-pocket payment is determined by a patient’s deductible, as well as his or her co-payments and
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`co-insurance. A co-payment is a fixed cost that an individual must pay for a particular drug, while
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`co-insurance is a percentage of a drug’s price that an individual must cover.
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`27.
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`In the United States, approximately half of the population receives private health
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`insurance through their employers, roughly 15% of the population is uninsured or has some other
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`form of private insurance, and the rest of the population receives government health insurance.
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`Approximately 20% of the population receives Medicaid and 15% receives Medicare. See, e.g.,
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`Health
`
`Insurance Coverage of
`
`the Total Population, Kaiser Family Found.,
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`https://www.kff.org/other/state-indicator/total-population; Edward R. Berchick et al., Health
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`Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2017, U.S. Census Bureau (Sept. 12, 2018),
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`https://www.census.gov/content/census/en/library/publications/2018/demo/p60-264.html.
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`28.
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`In terms of expenditures, Medicare is the country’s largest government health
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`insurer, accounting for 20% of all national health spending. See, e.g., Juliette Cubanski et al., The
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`Facts on Medicare Spending and Financing, Kaiser Family Found., (Aug. 20, 2019),
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`https://www.kff.org/medicare/issue-brief/the-facts-on-medicare-spending-and-financing. Those
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`eligible for Medicare include individuals aged 65 years or older, as well as certain persons with
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`
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`9
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 10 of 32
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`disabilities. Medicare contains several “parts”—Parts A, B, C, and D. Part A covers inpatient
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`hospital stays, care in a skilled nursing facility, hospice care, and some home health care. Part B
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`covers certain doctors’ services, outpatient care, medical supplies, and preventive services. Part C
`
`is an alternative to “original Medicare.” Part D adds prescription drug coverage to various
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`insurance plans. Medicare.gov, What’s Medicare?, https://www.medicare.gov/what-medicare-
`
`covers/your-medicare-coverage-choices/whats-medicare. Both Part B and Part D cover drugs, but
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`Part B drug coverage existed before Congress created Medicare’s Part D drug benefit and tends to
`
`cover drugs that are unusually complicated or treat especially serious diseases. See, e.g., Dept. of
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`Health & Hum. Servs., Drug Coverage under Different Parts of Medicare, (May 2020),
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`https://www.cms.gov/outreach-and-education/outreach/partnerships/downloads/11315-p.pdf.
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`29.
`
`In 2003, Congress changed the nation’s reimbursement policy for Medicare drugs.
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`Before 2003, reimbursement was largely based on a drug’s AWP. Now, however, Congress has
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`mandated use of Average Sales Price (ASP) reimbursement. See 42 U.S.C. §1395w-3a; 42 C.F.R.
`
`§414.800 et seq. As its name suggests, the amount of ASP reimbursement is based on the average
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`of most sales prices for a drug in the United States, including privately-negotiated discounts or
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`rebates. ASP reimbursement rates, therefore, are often lower than list prices.
`
`30.
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`ASP is calculated as follows. First, one must calculate a “manufacturer’s sales [of
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`a drug, in dollars] to all purchasers [other than exempt sales] in the United States … in the calendar
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`quarter.” 42 U.S.C. §1395w-3a(c)(1)(A). That number is then divided by “the total number of
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`such units of such drug … sold by the manufacturer in such quarter.” Id. §1395w-3a(c)(1)(B).
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`That is, ASP is the average net price at which the manufacturer sells a drug during a calendar
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`quarter to all U.S. purchasers, excluding exempt sales. Exempt sales, in turn, include sales to
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`various government entities or otherwise discounted by various provisions of federal law. Id.
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`10
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 11 of 32
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`§1395w-3a(c)(2). Manufacturers must report ASP data to CMS for most Part B drugs.
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`Manufacturers report this data each quarter. Under federal law, the reimbursement rate equals
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`106% of a volume-weighted ASP, which CMS calculates based on manufacturers’ reported ASPs
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`and quarterly sales volumes. Id. §1395w-3a(c)(1). Since 2013, following budget sequestration,
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`the reimbursement rate equals 104.3% of ASP. See, e.g., Dept. of Health & Hum. Servs.,
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`Comparing Average Sales Prices and Average Manufacturer Prices for Medicare Part B Drugs:
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`An Overview of 2013 (Feb. 2015), http://oig.hhs.gov/oei/reports/oei-03-14-00520.pdf.
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`31.
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`Accordingly, under Medicare Part B, Congress has determined that reimbursement
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`rates should be based on the actual prices that drug developers and manufacturers charge on the
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`open market, without price controls that artificially limit what drug developers and manufacturers
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`can charge, for instance by tying prices to a drug developer’s marginal costs. In other words, under
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`Medicare Part B, government insurance payments for drugs are generally not materially different
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`from what private insurers pay in terms of the amount per drug that manufacturers and developers
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`receive for the drugs that they sell. This means that the price charged for a drug can reflect the full
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`costs of the drug, including marginal and sunk costs.
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`32.
`
`Congress has repeatedly rejected efforts to impose price controls on drugs in the
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`United States, including reimbursement rates for Part B drugs. Congress has refused to impose
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`price controls because it recognizes that although price controls may be politically popular at first
`
`blush, such a policy would not, in fact, benefit the United States, given the deleterious effects price
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`controls would have on supply and innovation.
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`33.
`
`Congress’ decision to leave drug pricing largely up to the law of supply and
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`demand, without price controls, has resulted in tremendous health benefits to the public. Nearly
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`7,000 drugs are currently in development around the world, with more than half of that
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`11
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 12 of 32
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`development occurring in the United States. The United States’ approach to drug pricing thus has
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`created a seedbed for innovation, with significant benefits to those living today and for future
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`generations. As the U.S. Council of Economic Advisers, a group of government economists, has
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`pointedly noted, lowering reimbursement rates for drugs in the United States “makes better health
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`costlier in the future by curtailing innovation.” Council of Economic Advisers, Reforming
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`Biopharmaceutical Pricing at Home and Abroad (Feb. 2018), https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-
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`content/uploads/2017/11/CEA-Rx-White-Paper-Final2.pdf.
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`II.
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`Pharmaceutical Pricing in Other Nations
`
`34.
`
`In the United States, drug developers are free to charge prices that allow them to
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`recoup both sunk and variable costs. Many other countries, however, have policies that make it
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`difficult if not impossible for drug developers to recoup their sunk costs. During his 2019 State of
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`the Union address, the President referred to this dynamic as “global freeloading,” arguing that
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`foreign countries do not pay a proportionate share of the costs necessary to develop drugs, but
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`instead leave the United States to shoulder that burden alone.
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`35. Many foreign governments directly provide health care to individuals within their
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`geographic boundaries. This means that governments or government-controlled entities are the
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`principal purchaser of healthcare products, including drugs. Because these governments and
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`government-controlled entities act as monopsonists (i.e., the single purchaser) or near-
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`monopsonists, they regularly can dictate prices for healthcare products, including drugs, as a
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`condition of market access. Because drug developers cannot continue to sell drugs if they cannot
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`at least recoup their marginal costs, foreign governments regularly set a price that is at or above
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`marginal cost but below total cost. That is, foreign governments set prices that do not reflect the
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`sunk costs necessary to develop a drug in the first place.
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`12
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`36.
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`As the U.S. Council of Economic Advisers has explained:
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`[I]n price negotiations with manufacturers, foreign governments with centralized
`pricing exploit the fact that once a drug is already produced, the firm is always
`better off selling at a price above the marginal cost of production and making a
`profit, regardless of how small, than not selling at all. Thus, the foreign government
`can insist on a price that covers the marginal production cost—but not the far
`greater sunk costs from years of research and development—and firms will
`continue to sell to that country.
`
`Reforming Biopharmaceutical Pricing at Home and Abroad at 14.
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`37.
`
`Foreign governments also have indirect tools to set prices below the free-market
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`price. For instance, foreign governments often require international reference pricing, a “system
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`whereby a country states that they will pay no more than the price paid by another country or a
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`basket of countries.” Jason Shafrin, International Reference Pricing, Healthcare Economist (July
`
`21, 2015), https://www.healthcare-economist.com/2015/07/21/international-reference-pricing.
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`This means that if a drug developer sells a drug at one price in a poorer country (where residents
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`may not be able to afford a price that includes both sunk and marginal costs), they may be required
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`to also sell the drug at the same price in a wealthier country. Absent such indirect price controls,
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`a drug developer could set prices in each region according to ordinary supply and demand
`
`conditions in that region. Accordingly, the result of international reference pricing is also prices
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`that do not reflect the sunk costs necessary to develop the drug.
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`38.
`
`Foreign governments also regularly impose therapeutic reference pricing. This
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`essentially means new medicines must be priced similarly to old medicines. See, e.g., Jason
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`Shafrin, Cancer drug pricing
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`in Europe, Healthcare Economist
`
`(Nov. 14, 2016),
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`https://www.healthcare-economist.com/2016/11/14/cancer-drug-pricing-in-europe/ (“The pricing
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`considers both patented and generic drugs and generally compares drugs to therapeutic
`
`equivalents.”). Older medicines, however, have, by definition, been in the marketplace longer,
`
`thus giving their developers more time to recoup sunk costs. Older drugs therefore are often sold
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`13
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 14 of 32
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`with prices set above marginal costs but with little to no concern about sunk costs. New medicines,
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`by contrast, require new investments. The predictable consequence of therapeutic reference
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`pricing thus is also prices that do not incorporate the sunk costs required to innovate.
`
`39.
`
`Foreign governments may also decide to cut out the drug developer altogether. For
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`instance, they may require compulsory licensing, whereby drug developers have no choice but to
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`license their drugs to government-controlled manufacturers. See, e.g., Jason Shafrin,
`
`Pharmaceuticals
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`in Developing Countries, Healthcare Economist
`
`(May 18,
`
`2008),
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`https://www.healthcare-economist.com/2008/05/18/pharmaceuticals-in-developing-countries/
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`(“Brazil has ‘threatened to invoke compulsory licensing (a legal mechanism that, in effect,
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`legitimises such trampling [of patent rights]) to browbeat a foreign drugs firm into offering huge
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`discounts.’”). The threat of compulsory licensing, moreover, may be used as a negotiating ploy to
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`force drug developers to charge prices that do not cover sunk costs. Similarly, foreign governments
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`may discriminate against U.S. companies, treating them less favorably than their domestic
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`competitors.
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`40.
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`By directly and indirectly forcing drug developers to set prices below total costs,
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`these and other measures by foreign governments may lead to drug shortages (as the amount
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`demanded at the artificially low price will exceed the amount supplied at that price) and discourage
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`investment, as rational drug developers will not invest the immense time and resources necessary
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`to develop drugs if the associated sunk costs cannot be recouped. As a group of over 150
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`economists recently explained, “setting price controls at below-market rates leads to shortages,”
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`and “can lead to a reduction in patient access to certain drugs, less investment in the research and
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`development of new drugs, and cost-shifting that raises the prices of other therapeutics.
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`Ultimately, patients … suffer as cures are delayed or entirely undeveloped, while taxpayers [are]
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`
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`14
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 15 of 32
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`denied potential savings from drugs that could obviate more expensive treatments in government
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`healthcare programs, and the investment of capital in development of new medicines.” Letter to
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`Alex M. Azar,
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`Sec’y
`
`of Health & Hum.
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`Servs.
`
`(Dec.
`
`6,
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`2018),
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`https://www.ntu.org/library/doclib/2018/12/Economists-Letter-to-HHS-1.pdf.
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`41.
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`These concerns are backed by evidence. It is well-documented that price controls
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`result in both less innovation and greater shortages. For instance, nearly 90% of new drugs
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`launched around the world since 2011 are available in the United States; by contrast, Germany and
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`the United Kingdom only have access to 60% of such drugs. See Comments of Pharmaceutical
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`Research and Manufacturers of America at 5 (Dec. 2018), https://www.phrma.org/-
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`/media/Project/PhRMA/PhRMA-Org/PhRMA-Org/PDF/P-R/PhRMA_IPIModelComments.pdf.
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`The situation is even worse in Canada and France, where less than half of these drugs are available.
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`See id. And even when new drugs do become available in foreign markets, there often have been
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`significant delays. See id. (“International reference pricing has been shown to contribute to launch
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`delays, reduce product availability, and reduce research and development of new treatments and
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`cures.”). These differences have life-or-death consequences; for example, “[t]he 5-year survival
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`rate for all cancers is 42 percent higher for men and 15 percent higher for women in the United
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`States than in Europe.” Id. at 7. Similarly, researchers have concluded that “implementing price
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`setting policies in the United States would reduce life expectancy among Americans age 55 to 59
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`years old by 0.5 years in 2030 and 0.7 years in 2060.” Id.
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`III.
`
`The October 2018 Proposed International Pricing Index Rule
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`42.
`
`On October 30, 2018, CMS issued an advance notice of proposed rulemaking for a
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`model linking reimbursement prices for certain drugs under the Medicare Part B program to an
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`“international pricing index”—the “IPI Rule.” 83 Fed. Reg. 54546 (Oct. 30, 2018).
`
`43.
`
`Under the IPI Rule, the federal government would have surveyed drug prices from
`
`
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`15
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`Case 7:20-cv-10488-KMK Document 1 Filed 12/11/20 Page 16 of 32
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`a list of 14 purportedly economically similar countries and then set a reimbursement rate for a drug
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`based on the average price those countries pay for the drug, rather than the average-sales-price
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`methodology that Congress mandated.
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`44.
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`The IPI Rule would not have applied to the entire United States. Rather, it was
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`directed to Part B drugs that are separately reimbursable in the Medicare system in certain parts of
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`the country.
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`45.
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`In the advance notice of proposed rulemaking, CMS invited a “general solicitation
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`of comments” regarding a potential IPI approach. It expressly noted that any IPI approach it
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`ultimately promulgated would be “implement[ed] through notice and comment rulemaking.” It
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`stated that it was “considering issuing a proposed rule in the Spring of 2019 with the potential
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`model to start in Spring 2020.”
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`46.
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`The IPI Rule was sharply criticized, and it ultimately died on the vine. CMS never
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`even advanced to issuing a notice of proposed rulemaking regarding the rule.
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`47.
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`Instead, in January 2019, the President asserted in his State of the Union address
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`that “[i]t’s unacceptable that Americans pay vastly more than people in other countries for the
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`exact same drugs, often made in the exact same place,” and he “ask[ed] Congress to pass legislation
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`that finally takes on the problem of global freeloading.”
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`48.
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`Congress did not enact any such legislation.
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`IV.
`
`The President’s July and September 2020 Announcements Regarding an MFN Rule
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`49.
`
`On July 24, 2020—just three-and-a-half months before the presidential election—
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`the President announced fou