`For the First Circuit
`
`
`
`
`No. 21-1149
`
`WE THE PEOPLE PAC; BILLY BOB FAULKINGHAM, State Representative;
`LIBERTY INITIATIVE FUND; NICHOLAS KOWALSKI,
`
`Plaintiffs, Appellees,
`
`v.
`
`SHENNA BELLOWS,* in her official capacity as the Secretary of
`State of Maine, JULIE FLYNN, in her official capacity as the
`Deputy Secretary of State of Maine for the Bureau of
`Corporations, Elections and Commissions,
`
`Defendants, Appellants.
`
`
`
`
`
`
`
`
`
`APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
`FOR THE DISTRICT OF MAINE
`
`[Hon. John A. Woodcock, Jr., U.S. District Judge]
`
`
`
`Before
`
`Barron, Chief Judge,
`Kayatta, Circuit Judge,
`and Saris,** District Judge.
`
`
`Jason Anton, Assistant Attorney General, with whom Aaron
`M. Frey, Attorney General, Thomas A. Knowlton, Deputy Attorney
`General, and Jonathan Bolton, Assistant Attorney General, were on
`
`
`* Pursuant
`Appellate
`of
`Rule
`Federal
`to
`Procedure 43(c)(2), Shenna Bellows was substituted for Matthew
`Dunlap on February 23, 2021.
`
`** Of the United States District Court for the District
`of Massachusetts, sitting by designation.
`
`
`
`
`
`brief, for appellants.
`Paul A. Rossi, with whom IMPG Advocates was on brief,
`for appellees.
`
`
`
`July 7, 2022
`
`
`
`
`
`
`
`BARRON, Chief Judge. Maine allows for direct popular
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`participation in the state's lawmaking process through two
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`distinct means: a "people's veto," as it is commonly known, and
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`a "direct initiative." Me. Const. art. IV, pt. 3, §§ 17-18. To
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`place either type of measure on the state ballot, a "written
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`petition" that contains a minimum number of signatures from those
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`who are "qualified to vote for Governor" in Maine must be filed
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`with the Secretary of State of Maine. Id. § 20.
`
`Maine law refers to a person who "solicits signatures
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`for the petition by presenting the petition to the voter, asking
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`the voter to sign the petition and personally witnessing the voter
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`affixing the voter's signature to the petition" as a "circulator."
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`Me. Stat. tit. 21-A, § 903-A. Maine law further provides that the
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`"circulator" must be a Maine resident who is also registered to
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`vote in Maine. Id.
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`This appeal arises from a suit that challenges both the
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`residency and the voter-registration requirements. The suit
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`alleges that each requirement, by restricting who may be a
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`circulator, violates the First Amendment to the United States
`
`Constitution as incorporated against the states by the Due Process
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`Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. See Grosjean v. Am. Press
`
`Co., 297 U.S. 233, 245 (1936).
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`The suit was brought in 2020 in the United States
`
`District Court for the District of Maine by a nonprofit
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`organization, a political action committee, a Maine State
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`Representative, and a professional collector of signatures for
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`petitions who resides in Michigan. The plaintiffs named as the
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`defendants the Secretary of State of Maine in his official capacity
`
`and the Deputy Secretary of State of Maine for the Bureau of
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`Corporations in hers.
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`On the same day that the plaintiffs filed their suit,
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`they also moved for a temporary restraining order and/or a
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`preliminary injunction to prevent the residency requirement and
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`the voter-registration requirement from being enforced. The
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`District Court denied the request for the temporary restraining
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`order but ultimately granted the motion for the preliminary
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`injunction. The defendants now appeal from that latter ruling.
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`We affirm.
`
`I.
`
`A.
`
`The portions of the Maine Constitution that pertain to
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`the "people's veto" provide that "[t]he effect of any Act, bill,
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`resolve or resolution or part or parts thereof" that the Maine
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`Legislature passes "shall be suspended upon the filing" of a
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`"written petition," and that the measure thereafter must be "voted
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`
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`on by the people." Me. Const. art. IV, pt. 3, § 17 (emphasis
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`added); see also Me. Senate v. Sec'y of State, 183 A.3d 749, 753
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`(Me. 2018) (describing the "people's veto"). The portions of the
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`Maine Constitution that pertain to "direct initiative[s]" state
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`that "[t]he electors may propose to the Legislature for its
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`consideration any bill, resolve or resolution," though "not an
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`amendment of the State Constitution, by written petition." Me.
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`Const. art. IV, pt. 3, § 18(1) (emphasis added). These provisions
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`also state that, unless the proposed direct initiative is "enacted
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`without change by the Legislature," it must be "submitted to the
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`electors together with any amended form, substitute, or
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`recommendation of the Legislature," who then may "choose between
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`the competing measures or reject both." Id. § 18(2).
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`Under the Maine Constitution, the "written petition"
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`referred to in the provisions quoted above must contain a specified
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`number of valid signatures of eligible Maine voters and be filed
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`with the Maine Secretary of State ("the Secretary"). The total
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`number of signatures "shall not be less than 10% of the total vote
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`for Governor cast in the last gubernatorial election." Id.
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`§§ 17(1), 18(2).
`
`The Maine Constitution defines a "circulator" as "a
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`person who solicits signatures for written petitions." Id. § 20.
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`It states that a circulator "must be a resident of [Maine] and
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`whose name must appear on the voting list of the city, town or
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`plantation of the circulator's residence as qualified to vote for
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`Governor." Id. A Maine statute provides that the "written
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`petition" referenced in these provisions of the Maine Constitution
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`"may be circulated by any Maine resident who is a registered voter
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`acting as a circulator of" such a petition. Me. Stat. tit. 21-A,
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`§ 903-A.
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`At the time that the written petition is filed with the
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`Secretary, the circulator "must sign the petition." Id. § 902.
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`The circulator also must "verify by oath or affirmation" that she
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`"personally witnessed all of the signatures" collected "and that
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`to the best of the circulator's knowledge and belief each signature
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`is the signature of the person whose name it purports to be." Id.
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`The circulator must file alongside the written petition
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`an executed affidavit that includes "[t]he circulator's printed
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`name, the physical address at which the circulator resides and the
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`date the circulator signed the affidavit." Id. § 903-A(4)(A).
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`The affidavit must include attestations that "the circulator was
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`a resident of [Maine] and a registered voter in [Maine] at the
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`time of circulating the petition." Id. § 903-A(4)(C). If the
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`circulator "[k]nowingly fails to truthfully execute and timely
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`file" an affidavit, that individual "commits a Class E crime."
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`Id. § 904(6).
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`- 6 -
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`The Secretary must "determine the validity of the
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`petition . . . within 30 days from the date" that the petition is
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`filed with her. Id. § 905(1). In undertaking that review, the
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`Secretary may invalidate signatures that are obtained from
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`individuals who are not residents of Maine or that are collected
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`by circulators who were not in compliance with the residency and
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`voter-registration requirements. See, e.g., Hart v. Sec'y of
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`State, 715 A.2d 165, 166 (Me. 1998); Jones v. Sec'y of State, 238
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`A.3d 982, 985 (Me. 2020).
`
`Additional provisions of the Maine Constitution concern
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`the duration of the petition circulation process. See Me. Const.
`
`art. IV, pt. 3, §§ 17(1), 18(1). They require that the requisite
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`number of signatures for a written petition must be secured within
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`a specified period after the circulation process begins for a
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`direct initiative petition, and after the legislative session at
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`which the challenged action occurred for a people's veto petition.
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`Id.
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`B.
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`Except where noted otherwise, the following facts are
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`not in dispute in this appeal. In 2019, the We the People PAC
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`("We the People"), a political action committee registered in the
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`State of Maine, and state Representative Billy Bob Faulkingham,
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`who represents the 136th district in the Maine State House of
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`
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`Representatives and is a member of We the People, sought to
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`sponsor, and also circulated a petition in support of, a direct
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`initiative entitled, "An Act to Clarify the Eligibility of Voters."
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`The proposed direct initiative sought to "force the state
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`legislature to adopt verbatim [a] proposed ban on all non-citizen
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`voting in the State of Maine or place the question on the next
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`general election ballot . . . to be decided by the voters of
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`Maine."1
`
`For the initiative to be placed on the ballot, the
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`Secretary first must "furnish[]" or "approve[]" a "form[]" that is
`
`then circulated for signatures by qualified voters. Me. Const.
`
`art. IV, pt. 3, § 20. This form, once approved, is the "written
`
`petition." See id.
`
`Maine law provides, however, that "the written petition"
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`for a direct initiative "may not be filed in the office of the
`
`Secretary of State later than 18 months after the date the petition
`
`form was furnished or approved by the Secretary of State." Id.
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`§ 18(1). Maine law further provides that only those signatures
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`collected within the year leading up to the date on which the
`
`
`1 Maine law already limits the franchise in state and
`local elections to United States citizens who are or will be at
`least eighteen years of age at the time of the upcoming general
`election. Me. Const. art. II, § 1; Me. Stat. tit. 21-A, §§ 111(1),
`111-A. The proposed initiative would have "amend[ed] the voter
`qualification statute to emphasize" these requirements to be a
`voter "in an election in a municipality."
`
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`petition is filed with the Secretary count as valid. See Id.
`
`§ 18(2) ("A signature is not valid if it is dated more than one
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`year prior to the date that the petition was filed in the office
`
`of the Secretary of State."). Moreover, Maine law provides that
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`the signed petition must be filed with municipal authorities or
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`state election officials "for determination of whether the"
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`signatures are of "qualified voters" by the tenth day before the
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`signed petition is filed with the Secretary. Id. § 20.
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`In light of these provisions, the proponents, to have
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`placed their proposed direct initiative on the November 2020 ballot
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`would have to have filed their signed petition with the Secretary
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`by February 3, 2020 (and for municipal or election official
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`certification ten days before that); to have placed their proposed
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`direct initiative on the November 2021 ballot, the proponents would
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`have to have filed their signed petition with the Secretary by
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`January 21, 2021 (and for municipal or election official
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`certification ten days before that); and to have placed their
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`proposed direct initiative on the November 2022 ballot, the
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`proponents would have to have filed their signed petition with the
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`Secretary by February 26, 2021 (and for municipal or election
`
`official certification ten days before that). See id. §§ 18, 20.
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`To file a petition after February 26, 2021, its supporters would
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`have had to apply to the Secretary for a new petition form, which,
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`once approved, would have restarted their eighteen-month approval
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`clock. See id. § 20. They then could have collected signatures
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`on that form and would have had to have filed a signed petition by
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`January 31, 2022 for placement of a proposed direct initiative on
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`that same November 2022 ballot.
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`Having obtained their approved petition form on
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`August 26, 2019, the supporters of the initiative could begin
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`gathering signatures. They claimed in an interrogatory response
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`that they used only circulators who were Maine residents. The
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`petition for the initiative would have needed a minimum of 63,067
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`signatures to have been placed on the November 2020, 2021, or 2022
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`ballots, given the number of votes cast in the prior gubernatorial
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`election, which was held in 2018. See id. § 18(2).
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`By October 16, 2019, only 2,000 people had signed the
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`petition after it had been approved for circulation nearly two
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`months before. The campaign to collect signatures then lay dormant
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`for the following year.
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`The plaintiffs resumed the petition drive in mid-
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`October 2020, this time with the aid of not only Maine residents
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`but also out-of-state residents who assisted in the process of
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`securing signatures for the petition. The out-of-state residents
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`worked with in-state "witnesses" but did not themselves purport to
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`- 10 -
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`serve as circulators. Between mid-October 2020 and late January
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`2021, 38,000 signatures for the petition were collected.
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`C.
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`The plaintiffs are We the People, Representative
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`Faulkingham, and the Liberty Initiative Fund, a nonprofit
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`organization that has been involved in petition circulation
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`efforts, including the petition circulated for the direct
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`initiative at issue here, as well as Nicholas Kowalski, a
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`professional collector of signatures for petitions who resides in
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`Michigan. The plaintiffs filed suit in the United States District
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`Court for the District of Maine on December 31, 2020. They named
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`as defendants then-Secretary of State Matthew Dunlap and Deputy
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`Secretary of State for the Bureau of Corporations, Elections and
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`Commissioners Julie Flynn, in their official capacities.2
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`The plaintiffs brought claims under state and federal
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`law, including under the First Amendment to the federal
`
`Constitution, that challenged both the residency and voter-
`
`registration requirements to be a circulator.3 The same day that
`
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`2 On February 23, 2021, Dunlap was substituted by Shenna
`Bellows, the current Secretary of State of Maine.
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`3 The plaintiffs' complaint also challenged other
`provisions of Maine law that impose certain disclosure
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`
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`the plaintiffs filed their suit, they also moved for a temporary
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`restraining order and/or a preliminary injunction. The plaintiffs
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`in so moving requested that the District Court enjoin the
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`defendants from enforcing Maine Revised Statutes title 21-A,
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`§ 903-A, "to the extent it requires that petitions for a direct
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`initiative or people's veto may only be circulated by a registered
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`voter of Maine" and "may only be circulated by a resident of the
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`State of Maine, as applied to out-of-state circulators who first
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`submit to the jurisdiction of the State of Maine for any
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`investigation and/or prosecution of alleged violations of Maine's
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`election code with respect to" direct initiative or people's veto
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`petitions.
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`The District Court denied the plaintiffs' application
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`for a temporary restraining order on January 11, 2021. The
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`District Court concluded that "[e]ven though the plaintiffs raised
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`serious legal issues, because the caselaw in this area is nuanced,
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`because the plaintiffs failed to provide a sufficient uncontested
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`factual record, and because the plaintiffs delayed bringing this
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`lawsuit, they failed to sustain their burden to demonstrate that
`
`
`requirements on circulators and proponents of direct initiative
`and people's veto petitions. Those requirements are not before us
`because the plaintiffs did not request that they be preliminarily
`enjoined in their motion for a temporary restraining order and/or
`preliminary injunction.
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`they [were] likely to succeed on the merits of th[e] claim." We
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`the People PAC v. Bellows, 512 F. Supp. 3d 74, 77 (D. Me. 2021).
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`Then, on February 16, 2021 -- the day by which the
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`plaintiffs were required to submit their petition to local
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`officials to have their proposed direct initiative placed on the
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`November 2022 general election ballot -- the District Court ruled
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`on the motion for the preliminary injunction. See We the People
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`PAC v. Bellows, 519 F. Supp. 3d 13, 44 (D. Me. 2021). The District
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`Court noted that, in light of the defendants' argument that the
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`declarations that the plaintiffs had submitted in support of their
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`motion for a preliminary injunction lacked foundation, it would
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`"disregard[] any portions [of the declarations] that lack
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`foundation or consist of improper opinion." Id. at 17 n.2. But,
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`the District Court denied the defendants' additional objection to
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`the plaintiffs' responses to the defendants' interrogatories that
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`had been requested as part of the briefing on the motion for a
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`preliminary injunction. Id.
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`The defendants' objection rested on the contention that
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`the plaintiffs' responses to the interrogatories were "extremely
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`problematic" because they were "not attributed to particular"
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`individuals, were "not sworn," were "filled with hearsay and
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`argument," and were "not even signed by" every plaintiff. Id.
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`The District Court explained, however, that the plaintiffs'
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`responses to the interrogatories had been signed by Representative
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`Faulkingham and by Liberty Initiative Fund's president, on behalf
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`of Liberty Initiative Fund, as well as by the plaintiffs' counsel.
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`Id. The District Court then added that there is "no requirement
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`that the interrogatory responses be signed by all the [p]laintiffs"
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`and that the plaintiffs had "represented" in response to an earlier
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`order of the District Court that they "w[ould] file sworn
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`interrogatory responses, curing the oath defect 'no later than
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`February 20, 2021.'" Id. (record citation omitted). The District
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`Court then ruled, "[b]ased on the [p]laintiffs' representation,"
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`that it "consider[ed] the [p]laintiffs' responses to the
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`[d]efendants' interrogatories as sworn." Id.4
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`Having made those rulings, the District Court assessed
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`whether the plaintiffs had met their burden with respect to the
`
`
`4 The plaintiffs filed a sworn version of their
`interrogatory responses on February 19, 2021. The defendants
`nonetheless contend on appeal that the "sworn version of
`[p]laintiffs' interrogatories" "still exhibited one of the flaws
`identified by the Secretary, and one not addressed by the district
`court: they were not attributed to particular [p]laintiffs." But,
`Liberty Initiative Fund, as well as Representative Faulkingham, on
`behalf of himself and We the People, each separately signed and
`attested to "knowledge, information, and belief" concerning all of
`the plaintiffs' responses to the interrogatories. Moreover,
`Kowalski signed and attested to his knowledge concerning the
`plaintiffs' response to "Interrogatory #16, the only interrogatory
`response which requires [his] verification." We also see no basis
`for crediting the defendants' conclusory assertion in their
`briefing to us that "[n]ot every [p]laintiff can swear to the
`entire contents of [p]laintiffs' wide-ranging interrogatory
`responses." Thus, we consider the interrogatory responses here.
`
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`four factors that must be weighed to determine whether to grant a
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`motion for a preliminary injunction. See id. at 37. Those factors
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`include:
`
`the movant's likelihood of success on the
`merits; whether and to what extent the movant
`will suffer irreparable harm in the absence of
`preliminary injunctive relief; the balance of
`relative hardships, that is, the hardship to
`the nonmovant if enjoined as opposed to the
`hardship to the movant if no injunction
`issues; and the effect, if any, that either a
`preliminary injunction or the absence of one
`will have on the public interest.
`
`Ryan v. U.S. Immigr. & Customs Enf't, 974 F.3d 9, 18 (1st Cir.
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`2020). The District Court ruled that, with the benefit of "a more
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`substantial record including affidavits and declarations, as well
`
`as interrogatories and statements of facts," preliminary
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`injunctive relief was appropriate. See We the People PAC, 519 F.
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`Supp. 3d at 37, 53.
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`The District Court determined that the plaintiffs
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`established that they were likely to succeed in showing that the
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`residency and voter-registration requirements were each subject to
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`strict scrutiny because each requirement imposed a "severe burden"
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`on the exercise of the plaintiffs' First Amendment rights. See
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`id. at 39, 41, 46, 50-51. The District Court further determined
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`that the plaintiffs established that they were likely to succeed
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`in showing that neither the residency requirement nor the voter-
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`registration requirement could survive such scrutiny because the
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`defendants could not show that either requirement was narrowly
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`tailored to serve a compelling state interest. Id. at 46-48, 51.
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`The District Court next determined that the plaintiffs
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`had demonstrated that they were likely to suffer irreparable harm
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`absent a preliminary injunction. It noted that "even if the
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`[p]laintiffs d[id] not meet the February 16, 2021 deadline, they"
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`would be able to "renew their signature collection efforts to put
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`their initiative on the 2022 ballot." Id. at 52. Thus, the
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`District Court concluded that "while an injunction might make no
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`real difference for the current petition drive, th[e plaintiffs]
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`will continue to suffer harm in their next petition drive." Id.
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`As to the effect of any injunction on the public
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`interest, the District Court determined that while "the public has
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`strong competing interests on both sides" of the dispute, it "has
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`a greater interest in upholding its constitutionally protected
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`freedom of speech" than it does in "regulati[ng] . . . referendum
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`petitions and in protecting the integrity and grassroots nature of
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`the direct initiative and people's veto power." Id. at 52.
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`Finally, as to the "balance of equities," the District Court
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`recognized that the plaintiffs had "contributed to the urgent
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`nature of the preliminary injunction request" through "their
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`delay" in filing their lawsuit, but ultimately found their
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`"constitutional challenge both meritorious and important," such
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`that the "balance of equities weigh[ed] in the [p]laintiffs'
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`favor." Id. at 52-53.
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`The District Court issued an order on February 16, 2021,
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`that preliminarily enjoined Maine Revised Statutes title 21-A, §
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`903-A "to the extent it requires that petitions for a direct
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`initiative or people's veto may only be circulated by a registered
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`voter of Maine" and "to the extent it requires" that such petitions
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`"may only be circulated by a resident of the state of Maine, as
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`applied to out-of-state circulators who first submit to the
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`jurisdiction of the state of Maine for any investigation and/or
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`prosecution of alleged violations of Maine's election code with
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`respect to Referendum and/or People's Veto petitions filed with"
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`the defendants. Id. In a separate oral order, the District Court
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`stayed the plaintiffs' motion for a permanent injunction.
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`The defendants filed an interlocutory appeal of the
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`District Court's order issuing the preliminary injunction on
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`February 22, 2021. We have jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C.
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`§ 1292(a)(1). We review a district court's decision to issue a
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`preliminary injunction for an abuse of discretion, examining its
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`"findings of fact for clear error and its conclusions of law de
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`novo." Comcast of Me./N.H., Inc. v. Mills, 988 F.3d 607, 611 (1st
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`Cir. 2021).
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`II.
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`Before diving into our analysis, it is first useful to
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`review the only two precedents of the Supreme Court of the United
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`States that address First Amendment challenges to a state's
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`restriction on who may act as a "circulator" in the petition
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`circulation process for a ballot initiative. The two precedents
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`are Meyer v. Grant, 486 U.S. 414 (1988), and Buckley v. American
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`Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., 525 U.S. 182 (1999).
`
`A.
`
`In Meyer, the Court addressed a First Amendment
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`challenge to a Colorado state law that prohibited the use of paid
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`circulators. 486 U.S. at 417. The Court found merit to the
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`challenge.
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`In explaining why, the Court first determined that the
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`prohibition implicated the First Amendment because it restricted
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`"'core political speech.'" Id. at 422. The Court explained that
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`the prohibition did so because "[t]he circulation of an initiative
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`petition of necessity involves both the expression of a desire for
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`political change and a discussion of the merits of the proposed
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`change." Id. at 421. Indeed, the Court elaborated, "to
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`capture . . . signatures, [a circulator] will at least have to
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`persuade [potential signatories] that the matter is one deserving
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`of the public scrutiny and debate that would attend its
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`consideration by the whole electorate." Id.
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`The Court then addressed the nature of the burden on
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`core political speech that Colorado's ban on paid circulators
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`imposed. The Court determined that the ban "restrict[ed] [the
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`initiative proponents'] political expression in two ways." Id.
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`at 422. First, such a prohibition "limits the number of voices
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`who will convey [the proponents'] message and the hours they can
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`speak and, therefore, limits the size of the audience they can
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`reach." Id. at 422-23. Second, the prohibition "makes it less
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`likely that [proponents] will garner the number of signatures
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`necessary to place the matter on the ballot." Id. at 423. In
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`consequence, the Court explained that a ban on paid circulators
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`"has the inevitable effect of reducing the total quantum of speech
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`on a public issue." Id.
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`The Court acknowledged that the plaintiffs in Meyer
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`"remain[ed] free to employ other means to disseminate their ideas."
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`Id. at 424. But, the Court emphasized, that fact did not
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`meaningfully diminish the burdensome nature of the ban's
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`restriction on core political speech, because the "prohibition of
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`paid petition circulators restrict[ed] access to the most
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`effective, fundamental, and perhaps economical avenue of political
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`discourse, direct one-on-one communication." Id. "The First
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`Amendment," the Court explained, protects the proponents' "right
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`not only to advocate their cause but also to select what they
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`believe to be the most effective means for so doing." Id.
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`Based on this analysis of the burden that the ban imposed
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`on core political speech, the Court determined that the ban had to
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`survive "exacting scrutiny" to comport with the First Amendment.
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`Id. at 420. The Court fleshed out the "exacting" nature of that
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`scrutiny by observing that, because "the statute trenches upon an
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`area in which the importance of First Amendment protections is at
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`its zenith," the "burden that Colorado must overcome to justify
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`this criminal law is well-nigh insurmountable." Id. at 425
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`(internal quotation marks omitted).
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` The Court then moved on to the question of whether the
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`ban could survive such "exacting" scrutiny. The Court determined
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`that the fit between the interests that Colorado had put forth in
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`support of its ban and the means that the State had selected to
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`further that interest was too loose for the ban to pass that
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`"exacting scrutiny." Id. at 425-28.
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`Colorado asserted two interests: first, an "interest in
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`making sure that an initiative has sufficient grass roots support
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`to be placed on the ballot," and second, an "interest in protecting
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`the integrity of the initiative process." Id. at 425. The Court
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`dispatched with the asserted interest in ensuring "grass roots
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`support" by explaining that this interest was "adequately
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`protected by [Colorado's] requirement that no initiative proposal
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`may be placed on the ballot unless the required number of
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`signatures has been obtained." Id. at 425-26. It then addressed
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`the interest in "protecting the integrity of the initiative
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`process." Id. at 426.
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`To support the contention that the ban on paid
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`circulators was properly designed to serve the "integrity"
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`interest, Colorado asserted "that compensation [for a circulator]
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`might provide the circulator with a temptation to disregard" the
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`"duty to verify the authenticity of signatures on the petition."
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`Id. at 426. But, the Court concluded, Colorado had offered "[n]o
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`evidence" to substantiate that contention and observed that a
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`"professional circulator['s] . . . qualifications for similar
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`future assignments may well depend on a reputation for competence
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`and integrity." Id. The Court also noted that Colorado had other
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`mechanisms in place to prevent signature fraud -- such as
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`provisions that criminalized forging signatures on a petition and
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`criminalized paying people to sign it -- that "seem[ed] adequate
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`to the task of minimizing the risk of improper conduct." Id. at
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`426-27. Accordingly, the Court held that the ban could not survive
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`the exacting scrutiny that applied because the ban was not
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`"necessary" to serve the state's asserted interest in preserving
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`the integrity of the initiative process. Id. at 426.
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`B.
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`Buckley was decided a little over a decade after Meyer.
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`It concerned a First Amendment challenge to other restrictions
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`that Colorado had imposed with respect to circulating a petition
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`for the state's direct initiative process. Buckley, 525 U.S.
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`at 186. Among the restrictions was a requirement that a circulator
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`be a registered voter in the state. Id. at 192-93.
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`
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` The
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`voter-registration
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`requirement
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`necessarily
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`required a circulator to be a resident of that state. Id. at 188
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`& n.3. However, no challenge to the residency requirement had
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`been brought. Id. The Court thus addressed only the portion of
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`the voter-registration requirement that required a circulator to
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`be not only eligible to vote in Colorado but also registered to do
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`so. Id. at 197.
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`In determining the type of First Amendment scrutiny to
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`apply to the voter-registration requirement, the Court emphasized
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`that "[s]tates allowing ballot initiatives have considerable
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`leeway to protect the integrity and reliability of the initiative
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`process, as they have with respect to election processes
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`generally." Id. at 191. The Court also emphasized that there is
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`"'no litmus-paper test'" that "separate[s] valid ballot-access
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`provisions from invalid interactive speech restrictions." Id.
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`at 192 (quoting Storer v. Brown, 415 U.S. 724, 730 (1974)); see
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`also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U.S. 351, 359
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`(1997). Instead, the Court explained, there is "no substitute for
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`the hard judgments that must be made." Buckley, 525 U.S. at 192
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`(quoting Storer, 415 U.S. at 730).
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`At the same time, the Court reaffirmed Meyer's
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`recognition that "[p]etition circulation . . . is 'core political
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`speech,' because it involves 'interactive communication concerning
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`political change,'" and that "First Amendment protection for such
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`interaction . . . is 'at its zenith.'" Id. at 186-87 (quoting
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`Meyer, 486 U.S. at 425). Thus, the Court made a point of stating
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`that "the First Amendment requires . . . vigilan[ce] in making
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`those judgments" about what distinguishes a valid ballot-access
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`restriction from an impermissible speech restriction. Id. at 192.
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`The Court then determined that a most demanding form of
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`scrutiny applied to the state restriction at issue. The Court
`
`concluded in that regard that the voter-registration requirement
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`"produces a speech diminution of the very kind produced by the ban
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`on paid circulators at issue in Meyer," id. at 194, which, the
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`Court had pointed out there, was subject to a form of scrutiny
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`that was "well-nigh insurmountable," Meyer, 486 U.S. at 425. The
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`Court in Buckley stated that this means of scrutinizing the
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`restriction at issue was "entirely in keeping with" what the Court
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`described as "the 'now-settled approach' that state regulations
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`'impos[ing] "severe burdens" on speech . . . [must] be narrowly
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`tailored to serve a compelling state interest.'" Buckley, 525
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`U.S. at 192 n.12 (alterations and ellipsis in original) (quoting
`
`id. at 206 (Thomas, J., concurring in the judgment)).
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`To support the application of that kind of scrutiny to
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`the voter-registration requirement, the Court stated that it was
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`"[b]eyond question" that the voter-registration requirement
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`"drastically reduces the number of persons, both volunteer and
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`paid, available to circulate petitions." Id. at 193. Indeed, the
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`Court noted, the record in that case showed that the requirement
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`rendered at least 400,000 Coloradans -- who were otherwise eligible
`
`to vote in Colorado but were not registered to do so -- unable to
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`serve as petition circulators. Id. The Court also highlighted
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`testimony that the "'natural support'" for a peti