`
`
`
`UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
`
`FOR THE THIRD CIRCUIT
`
`
`
`_______________________
`
`
`
`No. 21-2630
`
`_______________________
`
`
`
`EUGENE MAZO;
`LISA MCCORMICK,
`
` Appellants
`
`v.
`
`NEW JERSEY SECRETARY OF STATE;
`E. JUNIOR MALDANADO, in his official capacity as
`Hudson County Clerk;
`JOANNE RAJOPPI, in her official capacity as Union County
`Clerk;
`PAULA SOLLAMI COVELLO, in her official capacity as
`Mercer County Clerk;
`ELAINE FLYNN, in her official capacity as Middlesex
`County Clerk;
`CHRISTOPHER DURKIN, in his official capacity as Essex
`County Clerk;
`STEVE PETER, in his official capacity as Somerset County
`Clerk
`
`_______________________
`
`
`
`On Appeal from the United States District Court
`
`for the District of New Jersey
`
`District Court No. 3-20-cv-08174
`
`District Judge: The Honorable Freda L. Wolfson
`
`__________________________
`
`
`
`
`
`
`
`
`
`
`
`Argued July 6, 2022
`
`
`
`Before: SHWARTZ, KRAUSE, and ROTH, Circuit Judges
`
`(Filed: November 23, 2022)
`
`Ryan Morrison [ARGUED]
`Institute for Free Speech
`1150 Connecticut Avenue, N.W.
`Suite 801
`Washington, DC 20036
`
`
`Walter M. Luers
`Cohn Lifland Pearlman Herrmann & Knopf
`Park 80 West - Plaza One
`250 Pehle Avenue, Suite 401
`Saddle Brook, NJ 07663
`Counsel for Appellants
`
`
`
`
`
`Angela Cai [ARGUED]
`Nicole E. Adams
`Dominic L. Giova
`Office of Attorney General of New Jersey
`Division of Law
`25 Market Street
`Richard J. Hughes Justice Complex
`Trenton, NJ 08625
`
`Counsel for Appellee New Jersey Secretary of State
`
`
`
`
`
`2
`
`
`
`
`
`Walter S. Zimolong, III
`Zimolong
`353 West Lancaster Avenue
`Suite 300
`Wayne, PA 19087
`Counsel for Amicus Appellants
`Professor Derek T. Muller and Professor Michael R. Dimino
`
`
`__________________________
`
`OPINION OF THE COURT
`__________________________
`
`
`KRAUSE, Circuit Judge
`
`
`Nowhere are the First Amendment rights of free speech
`and association more essential, or more fiercely guarded, than
`in the context of free and open elections. Self-government
`depends on ensuring that speech intended to support,
`challenge, criticize, or celebrate political candidates remains
`unrestricted. But at the end of every hard-fought political
`campaign lies the ballot box, where our constitutional
`democracy depends equally on States fulfilling their solemn
`duty to regulate elections to ensure fairness and honesty, even
`where doing so may burden some First Amendment rights. For
`this reason, courts have long applied the more flexible
`Anderson-Burdick balancing test to evaluate constitutional
`challenges to state election laws that govern the mechanics of
`the electoral process. At the same time, however, courts
`continue to apply a traditional—and often quite stringent—
`First Amendment analysis to state election laws that implicate
`core political speech outside of the voting process.
`
`
`
`
`3
`
`
`
`
`
`This case asks us to determine where the campaign ends
`and the electoral process begins. New Jersey permits
`candidates running in primary elections to include beside their
`name a slogan of up to six words to help distinguish them from
`others on the ballot. N.J. Stat. § 19:23-17. But New Jersey
`also requires that candidates obtain consent from individuals
`or New Jersey incorporated associations before naming them
`in their slogans.
` Appellants Eugene Mazo and Lisa
`McCormick challenged this requirement after their desired
`slogans were rejected for failure to obtain consent. They argue
`that New Jersey’s ballot slogans are, in effect, part of the
`campaign—a final, crucial opportunity for candidates to
`communicate directly with voters—and that the consent
`requirement should therefore be subject to traditional First
`Amendment scrutiny. The District Court disagreed. It held
`that, though the ballot slogans had an expressive function, the
`consent requirement regulates the mechanics of the electoral
`process, and so applied the Anderson-Burdick test, ultimately
`finding the consent requirement constitutional.
`
`We agree with the District Court. In so doing, we
`recognize the line separating core political speech from the
`mechanics of the electoral process has proven difficult to
`ascertain: “Not only has the Supreme Court itself fractured
`deeply in the application of this jurisprudence, but so too has
`the judiciary in general.” PRINCIPLES OF THE L. OF ELECTION
`ADMIN.: NON-PRECINCT VOTING AND RESOL. OF BALLOT-
`COUNTING DISP. § 201 (AM. L. INST., Tentative Draft No. 2,
`2017). Thus to “develop[] . . . this constitutional jurisprudence
`in ways that most promote rule-of-law values and the
`legitimacy of the electoral process, including the critical value
`of clarity,” we take this opportunity to survey the range of
`election laws to which the Supreme Court and appellate courts
`
`
`
`4
`
`
`
`
`
`have applied the Anderson-Burdick test, as opposed to a
`traditional First Amendment analysis. Id. From that review,
`we derive criteria to help distinguish—along the spectrum of
`mechanics of the electoral process to pure political speech—
`which test is applicable. And applying those criteria here, we
`conclude that New Jersey’s consent requirement is subject to
`Anderson-Burdick’s balancing test. We also conclude that
`because New Jersey’s interests in ensuring election integrity
`and preventing voter confusion outweigh the minimal burden
`imposed on candidates’ speech, the consent requirement passes
`that test. We will therefore affirm the judgment of the District
`Court.
`
`I.
`
`Background
`
`A.
`
`New Jersey’s Ballot Slogan Statutes
`
`In New Jersey, a candidate who wants to have her name
`placed on the ballot for a primary election must file a petition
`containing certain information about the candidate and the
`requisite signatures for the public office sought. See N.J. Stat.
`Ann. §§ 19:23-5 to -11.1 For candidates seeking federal office,
`these petitions must be directed to the Secretary of State, id.
`§ 19:23-6, who is responsible for certifying petitions, id.
`§§ 19:13-3, 19:23-21, and instructing local election officials
`about the names and information that are to be placed on the
`primary ballots, id. §§ 19:23-21 to -22.4.2
`
`
`1 New Jersey has adopted a similar system for unaffiliated
`candidates seeking to be placed on the general election ballot.
`See N.J. Stat. §§ 19:13-1 to -3.
`
` 2
`
` The Secretary of State is also responsible for petitions for
`statewide offices; candidates seeking county or local office,
`
`
`
`5
`
`
`
`
`
`Since 1930, New Jersey law has permitted candidates
`running in a primary election for “any public office” to
`“request that there be printed opposite his name on the primary
`ticket a designation, in not more than six words, . . . for the
`purpose of indicating either any official act or policy to which
`he is pledged or committed, or to distinguish him as belonging
`to a particular faction or wing of his political party.” N.J. Stat.
`§ 19:23-17.
`
`In 1944, the New Jersey legislature amended the law to
`include the proviso that “no such designation or slogan shall
`include or refer to the name of any person or any incorporated
`association of this State unless the written consent of such
`person or incorporated association of this State has been filed
`with the petition of nomination of such candidate or group of
`candidates.” Id. This consent requirement is reiterated in N.J.
`Stat. § 19:23-25.1, which states that no ballot slogan “shall be
`printed” that “refers to the name of any other person unless the
`written consent of such other person has been filed with the
`petition of nomination of such candidate or group of
`candidates.”3 These “Slogan Statutes” and their consent
`requirement are enforced by the Secretary of State in all federal
`
`
`however, must direct their petitions to the appropriate county
`or municipal clerks. See N.J. Stat. § 19:23-6.
`
` 3
`
` New Jersey allows for unaffiliated candidates running in a
`general election to include a similar three-word slogan
`conveying “the party or principles” the candidate represents,
`so long as that slogan does not include any part of the name of
`another political party. N.J. Stat. § 19:13-4.
`
`
`
`
`6
`
`
`
`
`
`and state-wide primary races as part of the certification
`process. See N.J. Stat. § 19:23-21.4
`
`B.
`
`Appellants’ Slogans
`
`Appellants Eugene Mazo and Lisa McCormick were
`candidates in the July 7, 2020, Democratic Primary for the
`House of Representatives in New Jersey’s Tenth and Twelfth
`Congressional Districts, respectively. Mazo requested ballot
`slogans for each of the ballots printed by the three counties that
`comprise New Jersey’s Tenth District:
`
`• In Essex County: “Essex County Democratic
`Committee, Inc.”
`• In Hudson County: “Hudson County Democratic
`Organization.”
`• In Union County: “Regular Democratic
`Organization of Union County.”
`
`Am. Compl. ¶ 37 (App. 48). Because each of these slogans
`“referred
`to
`the names of New Jersey
`incorporated
`associations,” state officials informed Mazo that authorization
`from the chairperson of the organizations was required and that
`if he did not obtain authorization, “his nomination petition
`would be certified as ‘NO SLOGAN.’” Am. Compl. ¶ 38
`(App. 48-49). Mazo never obtained the required consent, and
`instead “used three different slogans with the authorization of
`three other New Jersey incorporated associations that he
`created.” Am. Compl. ¶ 39 (App. 49).
`
`
`4 For local primary elections, county and municipal clerks are
`responsible for enforcing the consent requirements. See N.J.
`Stat. §§ 19:23-22; 19:23-22.1.
`
`
`
`
`7
`
`
`
`
`
`
`
`McCormick originally requested the ballot slogan “Not
`Me. Us.,” Am. Compl. ¶ 41 (App. 49), but was told that,
`because
`this slogan referred
`to another New Jersey
`incorporated association, she also required the organization’s
`authorization. McCormick did not obtain the necessary
`consent and instead requested, as an alternative slogan, “Bernie
`Sanders Betrayed the NJ Revolution.” Am. Compl. ¶¶ 43-44
`(App. 49). But because this new slogan still named an
`individual, again she was
`told consent was required.
`McCormick did not obtain consent and ultimately settled on a
`different slogan, “Democrats United for Progress,” for which
`she did obtain authorization. Am. Compl. ¶ 45 (App. 49).
`
`C.
`
`Procedural Background
`
`On July 2, 2020, five days before the primary election,
`Mazo and McCormick filed suit in the District of New Jersey,
`naming the New Jersey Secretary of State and various county
`clerks as defendants, collectively “the Government.” Their
`complaint sought declaratory and injunctive relief, claiming
`that the consent requirement was unconstitutional, both
`facially and as-applied, under the First and Fourteenth
`Amendments.5 In response, both the Secretary of State and the
`Clerks moved to dismiss.
`
`The Secretary of State argued that Appellants’ claims
`were both moot (because the primary election had passed) and
`unripe (because the next primary was more than a year away),
`and also that the consent requirement was constitutional. For
`
`5 Appellants initially also sought nominal damages but
`abandoned that claim as against the Secretary of State and no
`longer press the issue on appeal.
`
`
`
`8
`
`
`
`
`
`their part, the Clerks primarily urged that they were improper
`defendants because, under New Jersey law, they did not
`enforce the Slogan Statutes for congressional elections and
`lacked discretion to contradict the Secretary of State’s
`instructions.
`
`The District Court considered each of these arguments
`and concluded that (1) Appellants’ claims were both ripe and
`not moot, Mazo v. Way, 551 F. Supp. 3d 478, 491-98 (D.N.J.
`2021), (2) the Clerks did not exercise any discretion with
`respect to enforcing the Slogan Statutes, id. at 509, and (3) the
`consent requirement was constitutional, both facially and as-
`applied, id. at 498-508. The Court thus dismissed the case, and
`Appellants timely appealed.
`
`II.
`
`Standard of Review
`
`We review a district court’s denial of a Rule 12(b)(6)
`motion de novo. Keystone Redev. Partners, LLC v. Decker,
`631 F.3d 89, 95 (3d Cir. 2011). We also accept all of
`Appellants’ well-pleaded factual allegations as true and draw
`“all reasonable inferences” in their favor. Simko v. U.S. Steel
`Corp., 992 F.3d 198, 203-04 (3d Cir. 2021) (citing Connelly v.
`Lane Constr. Corp., 809 F.3d 780, 787 (3d Cir. 2016)).
`To prevail on a facial challenge6, a plaintiff must
`“establish that no set of circumstances exists under which the
`
`6 Appellants purport to raise both a facial and an as-applied
`challenge to the Slogan Statutes. But as the District Court
`observed, Appellants have not “plead[ed] any facts showing
`that [the Secretary of State] enforced the [consent requirement]
`against them in an unconstitutional or otherwise irregular
`manner.” Mazo, 551 F. Supp. 3d at 498 n.7 (D.N.J. 2021)
`(citation omitted). Instead, their complaint merely repeats the
`
`
`
`9
`
`
`
`
`
`[law] would be valid,” United States v. Salerno, 481 U.S. 739,
`745 (1987), or, in the First Amendment context, show that the
`law is overbroad because “a substantial number” of its
`applications are unconstitutional, “judged in relation to [its]
`plainly legitimate sweep,” New York v. Ferber, 458 U.S. 747,
`770-71 (1982).7
`
`III.
`
`Jurisdiction and Justiciability
`
`
`
`The District Court had jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C.
`§ 1331, and we have jurisdiction over its final order of
`dismissal under 28 U.S.C. § 1291. As we have an obligation
`to determine whether a controversy is justiciable before
`resolving its merits, we examine whether the challenge is both
`ripe and not moot. See Larsen v. Senate of Pa., 152 F.3d 240,
`246 (3d Cir. 1998).
`
`
`legal conclusion that the consent requirement “restricted
`[Appellants’] freedom of expression,” Am. Compl. ¶ 59 (App.
`51) and does not specify how their freedom of speech or
`association was burdened by enforcement of the consent
`requirement. We therefore construe their Complaint as raising
`only a facial challenge. Cf. United States v. Marcavage, 609
`F.3d 264, 274 (3d Cir. 2010) (construing an unclear complaint
`as bringing an as-applied claim where the plaintiff’s argument
`was “entirely dependent on the facts of th[e] case”).
`
` 7
`
` The standard for bringing an as-applied challenge is less
`demanding; a plaintiff need only show that a law’s “application
`to a particular person under particular circumstances deprived
`that person of a constitutional right.” Marcavage, 609 F.3d at
`273.
`
`
`
`10
`
`
`
`
`
`To determine if a claim is ripe, we consider “whether
`the parties are in a ‘sufficiently adversarial posture,’ whether
`the facts of the case are ‘sufficiently developed,’ and whether
`a party is ‘genuinely aggrieved.’” Plains All Am. Pipeline L.P.
`v. Cook, 866 F.3d 534, 539 (3d Cir. 2017) (quoting Peachlum
`v. City of York, 333 F.3d 429, 433-34 (3d Cir. 2003)). In the
`declaratory judgment context, we apply these principles by
`considering three enumerated factors: “(1) the adversity of the
`parties’ interests, (2) the conclusiveness of the judgment, and
`(3) the utility of the judgment.” Khodara Env’t, Inc. v. Blakey,
`376 F.3d 187, 196 (3d Cir. 2004) (quoting Pic-A-State Pa., Inc.
`v. Reno, 76 F.3d 1294, 1298 (3d Cir. 1996)); see also Step-
`Saver Data Sys., Inc. v. Wyse Tech., 912 F.2d 643, 646-50 (3d
`Cir. 1990).
`
`
`Here, Appellants satisfy all three ripeness factors. First,
`the parties’ interests are sufficiently adverse, as Appellants
`aver that they will suffer a “substantial threat of real harm” in
`the form of a First Amendment injury “if the declaratory
`judgment is not entered.” Plains, 866 F.3d at 541 (quoting
`Presbytery of N.J. of Orthodox Presbyterian Church, 40 F.3d
`1454, 1463 (3d Cir. 1994) and Travelers Ins. Co. v. Obusek, 72
`F.3d 1148, 1154 (3d Cir. 1995)). Second, because the issues
`in this case are purely legal, and because Appellants plan to
`request similar ballot slogans without obtaining consent in the
`future, a declaratory judgment would conclusively resolve
`Appellants’ facial challenge. See Florio, 40 F.3d at 1468
`(“[P]redominantly legal questions are generally amenable to a
`conclusive determination in a preenforcement context.”).
`Third, a declaratory judgment would be particularly useful for
`Appellants here, as New Jersey typically does not provide
`nominating petitions until the December or January before the
`spring primary campaign, meaning Appellants would
`
`
`
`11
`
`
`
`
`
`otherwise be left with uncertainty as they plan their future
`campaigns. See, e.g., Arsenault v. Way, 539 F. Supp. 3d 335,
`340-41 (D.N.J. 2021) (describing abbreviated timeline). In
`short, Appellants’ claim is ripe for decision.
`
`Appellants’ claim is also not moot. A claim is moot
`“when the issues presented are no longer ‘live’ or the parties
`lack a legally cognizable interest in the outcome.” Chafin v.
`Chafin, 568 U.S. 165, 172 (2013) (quoting Already, LLC v.
`Nike, Inc., 568 U.S. 85, 91 (2013)). There is an important
`exception, however, for claims that are “capable of repetition,
`yet evading review,” i.e., where “(1) the challenged action is in
`its duration too short to be fully litigated prior to cessation or
`expiration, and (2) there is a reasonable expectation that the
`same complaining party will be subject to the same action
`again.” Kingdomware Techs., Inc. v. United States, 579 U.S.
`162, 170 (2016) (alterations omitted) (quoting Spencer v.
`Kemna, 523 U.S. 1, 17 (1998)). Courts frequently apply this
`exception to election cases given the recurring nature of
`elections and the often strict time frames associated with
`running for office. See, e.g., Norman v. Reed, 502 U.S. 279,
`288 (1992) (“There would be every reason to expect the same
`parties to generate a similar, future controversy subject to
`identical time constraints[.]”).
`
`That exception applies with full force in this case. New
`Jersey need not certify a proposed ballot slogan until fifty-four
`days prior to the primary election, and county clerks may begin
`printing ballots any time after fifty days prior to the election.
`That leaves only a narrow window in which candidates might
`challenge a rejected slogan, N.J. Stat. Ann. §§ 19:23-21;
`19:23-22.4, and Appellants have affirmed their intent to run for
`office again without obtaining
`the necessary consent.
`
`
`
`12
`
`
`
`
`
`Appellants’ challenges to the consent requirement thus present
`a live controversy over which we may exercise jurisdiction.
`
`IV. Discussion
`
`The central issue in this case is the parties’ disagreement
`over which constitutional test applies to New Jersey’s consent
`requirement. The Government maintains that the District
`Court correctly applied the sliding-scale approach for election
`regulations developed in Anderson v. Celebrezze, 460 U.S. 780
`(1983), and Burdick v. Takushi, 504 U.S. 428 (1992).
`Appellants argue that the District Court should have employed
`a traditional First Amendment analysis applying strict scrutiny
`because the consent requirement is a content-based restriction
`of their speech. Thus, to determine the constitutionality of the
`consent requirement, we must first determine which test
`applies.
`
`Below we consider: (a) the need for clarification given
`the case law to date; (b) circumstances in which the Anderson-
`Burdick test applies; (c) the test applicable to New Jersey’s
`consent requirement; and (d) applying this test, whether the
`consent requirement is constitutional.
`
`A.
`
`The Case Law to Date
`
`Elections occupy a special place in our constitutional
`system, as do election laws. The Constitution expressly grants
`States the authority to set rules for the time, place, and manner
`of federal elections. U.S. Const. Art. I, § 4, cl. 1; Art. II, § 1,
`cl. 2. Pursuant to these clauses, States have long maintained
`“comprehensive, and in many respects complex, election codes
`regulating . . . the time, place, and manner of holding primary
`and general elections.” Storer v. Brown, 415 U.S. 724, 730
`
`
`
`13
`
`
`
`
`
`(1974). States’ authority over federal elections is broad,
`encompassing “notices, registration, supervision of voting,
`protection of voters, prevention of fraud and corrupt practices,
`counting of votes, duties of inspectors and canvassers, and
`making and publication of election returns.” Smiley v. Holm,
`285 U.S. 355, 366 (1932). It is even broader with respect to
`state and local elections. See Sugarman v. Dougall, 413 U.S.
`634, 647 (1973). That is because, if elections “are to be fair
`and honest and if some sort of order, rather than chaos, is to
`accompany the democratic process,” Timmons v. Twin Cities
`Area New Party, 520 U.S. 351, 358 (1997) (quoting Burdick,
`504 U.S. at 433), it is “[c]ommon sense” that States must take
`an “active role in structuring elections,” Burdick, 504 U.S. at
`433.
`
`
`Yet because States “comprehensively regulate the
`electoral process,” Council of Alt. Pol. Parties v. Hooks, 179
`F.3d 64, 70 (3d Cir. 1999), their election laws “inevitably
`affect[,] at least to some degree[,]” certain fundamental rights,
`including the right to vote8 and First Amendment rights of free
`expression and association, Anderson, 460 U.S. at 788. So the
`question arises, what test should courts apply to evaluate the
`constitutionality of those laws?
`
`In some cases, a traditional First Amendment test fails
`to account for the fact that, for elections to run smoothly, some
`restrictions on expression and association are necessary.
`Recognizing this, the Supreme Court in Anderson and Burdick
`
`
`8 The right to vote has long been recognized as a fundamental
`political right under the Constitution. See, e.g., Wesberry v.
`Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 6-7 (1964).
`
`
`
`
`14
`
`
`
`
`
`crafted a unique test for “[c]onstitutional challenges to specific
`provisions of a State’s election laws.” Anderson, 460 U.S. at
`789. This test is “more flexible” than the rigid tiers of scrutiny
`under a traditional First Amendment analysis, Burdick, 504
`U.S. at 434, reflecting the reality that there is no “‘litmus-paper
`test’ that will separate valid from invalid restrictions,”
`Anderson, 460 U.S. at 789 (quoting Storer, 415 U.S. at 730).
`
`The Anderson-Burdick test requires the reviewing court
`to (1) determine the “character and magnitude” of the burden
`that the challenged law imposes on constitutional rights, and
`(2) apply the level of scrutiny corresponding to that burden.
`Burdick, 504 U.S. at 434 (quoting Anderson, 460 U.S. at 789).
`If the burden is “severe,” the court must apply exacting
`scrutiny and decide if the law is “narrowly tailored and
`advance[s] a compelling state interest.” Timmons, 520 U.S. at
`358.
` But
`if
`the
`law
`imposes only “reasonable,
`nondiscriminatory restrictions,” Anderson, 460 U.S. at 788, the
`court may use Anderson-Burdick’s sliding scale approach
`under which a State need only show that its “legitimate
`interests . . . are sufficient to outweigh the limited burden,”
`Burdick, 504 U.S. at 440.
`
`Courts have applied Anderson-Burdick to a wide range
`of state election laws covering nearly every aspect of the
`electoral process. See, e.g., Belitskus v. Pizzingrilli, 343 F.3d
`632, 643-47 (3d Cir. 2003) (applying Anderson-Burdick in
`challenge
`to Pennsylvania ballot access
`law requiring
`candidates to pay filing fee to have their names placed on the
`general election ballot); Ohio Democratic Party v. Husted, 834
`F.3d 620, 626-36 (6th Cir. 2016) (applying Anderson-Burdick
`to a challenge to Ohio law that changed the first day of early
`
`
`
`15
`
`
`
`
`
`absentee voting from 35 days before election day to the day
`after the close of voter registration).
`
`In other cases, however, the Supreme Court has
`declined to apply Anderson-Burdick’s balancing test and has
`reverted instead to a traditional First Amendment analysis.
`See, e.g., McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n, 514 U.S. 334,
`345 (1995) (rejecting application of Anderson-Burdick in
`challenge to ban on anonymous leafletting of political
`materials as it constituted the “regulation of pure speech”);
`Meyer v. Grant, 486 U.S. 414, 420 (1988) (declining to apply
`Anderson-Burdick to free expression challenge to ban on
`paying petitioner circulators for ballot initiatives). The
`problem we confront today is that the Supreme Court has never
`laid out a clear rule or set of criteria to distinguish between
`these two categories of election laws, nor has any Court of
`Appeals to our knowledge. So to decide the category in which
`New Jersey’s consent requirement falls, we must first identify
`their defining characteristics.
`
`B. When Does the Anderson-Burdick Test
`Apply?
`
`A survey of the Supreme Court’s case law both before
`and after Anderson and Burdick reveals two principal
`characteristics of the laws to which their test applies. First, the
`law must burden a relevant constitutional right, such as the
`right to vote or the First Amendment rights of free expression
`and association. Second, the law must primarily regulate the
`mechanics of the electoral process, as opposed to core political
`speech. We address each below.
`
`
`
`16
`
`
`
`
`
`1.
`
`Anderson-Burdick Applies Beyond
`Free Association Claims.
`
`Appellants espouse a narrow view of the constitutional
`rights that trigger review under Anderson-Burdick, contending
`that the test is limited to challenges based on First Amendment
`free association claims. But precedent from the Supreme
`Court and our sister circuits defies this cramped view and
`applies Anderson-Burdick
`to vindicate a variety of
`constitutional rights.
`
`True, Anderson itself focused on “voters’ freedom of
`association,” 460 U.S. at 787-88, and associational rights have
`also played a central role in many of the Supreme Court’s other
`cases applying the Anderson-Burdick test. See, e.g., Clingman
`v. Beaver, 544 U.S. 581, 588 (2005) (focusing on the
`associational interests of voters); Norman, 502 U.S. at 288, 290
`(focusing on “the constitutional interest of like-minded voters
`to gather in pursuit of common political ends” under the “First
`Amendment right of political association”); Timmons, 520
`U.S. at 358 (discussing “associational rights”); Wash. State
`Grange v. Wash. State Republican Party, 552 U.S. 442, 444
`(2008) (focusing on “political parties’ associational rights”).
`
`But the Court has also applied Anderson-Burdick to free
`speech claims. Indeed, Burdick itself concerned a claimed
`right to send a message by casting a “protest vote.” 504 U.S.
`at 438. Other examples abound. See Eu v. S.F. Cnty.
`Democratic Cent. Comm., 489 U.S. 214, 222, 224 (1989)
`(applying the Anderson test where the challenged law “directly
`affect[ed] speech” in addition to “infring[ing] upon [voters’]
`freedom of association”); Timmons, 520 U.S. at 357, 363 (tying
`associational rights to “the independent expression of a
`political party’s views” and recognizing that the challenged
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`law, in addition to burdening associational rights, “also
`limit[ed], slightly, the party’s ability to send a message to the
`voters and to its preferred candidates”) (quoting in part Colo.
`Republican Fed. Campaign Comm’n v. Fed. Election Comm.,
`518 U.S. 604, 616 (1996)). As these cases make clear,
`Anderson-Burdick pertains not only to association claims, but
`also to challenges to election laws that “have the effect of
`channeling expressive activity at the polls.” Burdick, 504 U.S.
`at 438.
`
`Nor is Anderson-Burdick limited to First Amendment
`challenges. Certainly, it does not apply where the alleged right
`relates only to a statutory right or there is otherwise no
`cognizable constitutional right at issue9 or where the burden on
`
`
`9 Valenti v. Lawson declined to apply Anderson-Burdick to a
`law that banned a registered sex offender from voting at a
`school because sex offenders were not a suspect class and
`convicted felons had no constitutional right to vote, “only . . .
`a statutory right to vote” to the extent permitted by a State. 889
`F.3d 427, 429-30 (7th Cir. 2018); see also Donatelli v.
`Mitchell, 2 F.3d 508, 514, 515 n.10 (3d Cir. 1993) (no
`constitutional right implicated where state reapportionment
`plan resulted in the temporary reassignment of a state senator
`to a new district for the remainder of his term, statute was not
`targeted at a discrete group of voters, and did not deprive voters
`of equal access to ballot); Biener v. Calio, 361 F.3d 206, 215
`(3d Cir. 2004) (noting that “[t]he right to run for office has not
`been deemed a fundamental right” and “voter’s rights are not
`infringed where a candidate chooses not to run because he is
`unwilling to comply with reasonable state requirements”)
`(quoting in part Adams v. Askew, 511 F.2d 700, 703 (5th Cir.
`1975)); Cecelia Packing Corp. v. U.S. Dept. of Agric./Agric.
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`a constitutional right is no more than de minimis.10 But it has
`
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`Mktg. Serv., 10 F.3d 616, 624 (9th Cir. 1993) (declining to
`apply Anderson-Burdick to a law regulating voting in
`agricultural marketing order referenda because the right to vote
`did not extend to elections for government officials who “do
`not exercise general governmental powers”); Hayden v.
`Paterson, 594 F.3d 150, 169-70 (2d Cir. 2010) (applying
`rational basis review to a felon disenfranchisement law that
`was otherwise nondiscriminatory); Kessler v. Grand Cent.
`Dist. Mgmt. Ass’n, Inc., 158 F.3d 92, 105, 108 (2d Cir. 1998)
`to apply Anderson-Burdick balancing
`(declining
`to a
`malapportionment challenge because, while the elected body
`performed types of services “often provided by local
`government,” its role was secondary to city and therefore did
`not exercise “responsibilities or general powers typical of a
`governmental entity”).
`
`10 See Molinari v. Bloomberg, 564 F.3d 587, 606 (2d Cir. 2009)
`(declining to apply Anderson-Burdick where the only effect on
`First Amendment rights was “incidental[] and constitutionally
`insignificant”) (alteration in original) (quoting Cohen v.
`Cowles Media Co., 501 U.S. 663, 672 (1991)). In Clingman,
`for example, the Supreme Court considered a semi-closed
`primary law, under which members of a given party and
`Independents could vote in that party’s primary, but not
`members of other parties. 544 U.S. at 584. The law was
`challenged by a group of Democratic and Republican voters
`who wished to vote in the Libertarian Party’s primary without
`changing their party affiliation. See id. at 588. The Court was
`skeptical of the alleged burden on plaintiffs’ association
`claims, however, and, observing they did “not want to
`associate with the [Libertarian Party], at least not in any formal
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`been applied to the right to vote,11 the right to “travel
`throughout the United States,”12 and the right to procedural due
`
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`sense,” noted that “a voter who is unwilling to disaffiliate from
`another party to vote in [another party’s] primary forms little
`‘association.’” Id. at 588-89; see also Rodriguez v. Popular
`Democratic Party, 457 U.S. 1, 12 (1982) (applying rational
`basis review to a challenge to a State’s choice to fill legislative
`vacancies by appointment because any effect on individual
`rights was “minimal”).
`
`11 In Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, for instance,
`the Supreme Court recognized that “‘evenhanded restrictions
`that protect the integrity and reliability of the electoral process
`itself’ are not invidious,” and proceeded to apply Anderson-
`Burdick’s balancing test to the voter identification law at issue.
`553 U.S. 181, 189-91 (2008) (plurality opinion) (quoting
`Anderson, 460 U.S. at 788 n.9). The plurality opinion from
`which these quotations are taken commanded only the votes of
`three Justices. But while the three concurring Justices
`disagreed on how exactly to apply the Anderson-Burdick test,
`they all agreed that “generally applicable, nondiscriminatory
`voting regulation[s]” are subject to the balancing test. See
`Crawford, 553 U.S. at 205-06 (Scalia, J., concurring).
`
`12 In Dunn v. Blumstein, the Court observed that a State’s
`durational residency requirements burdened not only the right
`to vote, but also the distinct right “to travel throughout the
`United States.” 405 U.S. 330, 338 (1972) (quoting United
`States v. Guest, 383 U.S. 745, 758 (1966)); see also Donatelli
`v. Mitchell, 2 F.3d 508, 515 (3d Cir. 1993) (distinguishing
`State’s reapportionment plan from Dunn on grounds that it did
`not burden right to travel).
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`process,13 among others.
`
`We have no occasion here to exhaust the list